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deliberative (or discursive) democracy and relating them to the field of social policy. We begin with social citizenship and I will argue that conservatives were able to grab the initiative partly because social rights were detached from the need to further advance the democratic project. We then contrast aggregative democracy and deliberative democracy and I observe that a reconciliation of ‘procedure’ and ‘pluralism’ is even more crucial for the latter than the former. We then apply these arguments to social policy and I sketch a theoretical outline of a welfare democracy

in After the new social democracy

on all areas of social life. Cammack explains in detail how the language of social democracy has been subverted as part of this aggressive neo-liberal project. This sense of the Third Way, as actively representing what might be called the neo-liberal moment within social democracy, is evident also in Morrison’s analysis of the function of the discourse of citizenship. Morrison

in The Third Way and beyond
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Deaths at sea and unidentified bodies in Lesbos

were born in Greece but the family had decided to return to Syria some years before. Their deaths could have been avoided had a new Greek citizenship law – relaxing criteria for the acquisition of Greek citizenship to children of immigrants born in Greece – been implemented (Christopoulos 2012).2 The two girls could have legally entered the country as Greek citizens, instead of risking their lives to cross the militarised border illegally. These three deaths reflect the biopolitical power of the two key instruments of contemporary sovereign states, namely control

in Migrating borders and moving times
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strengthened by a sympathetic state. This ‘communitarian’ approach is clearly evident in Blair’s rhetoric. It emphasises duties rather than rights, a ‘stakeholder capitalism’ in which all have an interest in a successful market economy, ‘one-nation socialism’, where economic efficiency is married to ‘fairness’, the sovereignty of the people, and the benefit of the many rather than the few. In so far as these

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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‘If they treat the Indians humanely, all will be well’

In 1840 the Aborigines’ Protection Society (APS) produced an advice manual for the Colonial Office, a set of model laws for the governance of the ‘Native’ peoples of the Empire. Published by John Murray of London under the title Outline of a System of Legislation for Securing Protection of all Countries Colonized by Great Britain; Extending to Them Political and Social

in Equal subjects, unequal rights

’s first years in office – when claims about its communitarianism were at a height. Furthermore, help for the worse-off has been in the form of the minimum wage, child-care provision and tax credits, all of which are available only to those in work, thus underscoring the conception of citizenship and inclusion rejected by Taylor. Neither Taylor’s theory in general nor his specific

in The Third Way and beyond
Experiences from higher education institutions

development – helping students to experience and construct inclusive, multi-stakeholder discussions which give voice to all at the table and strive towards consensual resolutions of disagreements. On one hand, this is about modelling these behaviours for students as course leaders, and on the other, about providing them room to facilitate such spaces themselves. There is anticipation of a knock-on effect, that students will pick up these practices and utilize them in their own CBR. Thus the course leader models good facilitation and provides spaces for students to

in Knowledge, democracy and action
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long as these points are remembered we can use Goodin’s formulation as a starting point for understanding the contrast between productivism and postproductivism. The common denominator for each of these welfare regimes is waged work. They may disagree on the nature of citizenship rights and duties, and on the relation between formal and informal labour, but the commitment to employment is pivotal to all three. This commitment derives ultimately from the view that underpins all developed societies: something is valuable proportionate to the extent to which it

in After the new social democracy
Introduction and overview

market segmentation’ approach for the investigation of work and employment inequalities. Our hope is that this meets an intellectual need for a multi-dimensional perspective and also confronts the challenge of a resurgent neoliberalism that is undermining the models of social citizenship and principles of labour market inclusion which have been forged through collective bargaining, protective and participative rights, and welfare state regimes. The first section identifies the intellectual basis for this approach in contributions from three theoretical traditions that

in Making work more equal
Science shops and policy development

were established, and ideas for interesting research proposals were worked up which has contributed to the development of science-shop-type structures. This success of this call led to the establishment of a general funding mechanism that can be used in any DG Research call, ‘research for the benefit of specific groups/CSOs’ (European Commission, 2012). This funding mechanism already existed for small and medium enterprises. By attaching this funding mechanism to calls for proposals in all fields, CSOs and research institutes are able to submit joint proposals

in Knowledge, democracy and action