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exposed by the peculiar circumstances of wartime, especially the anomalous position of the Vichy government, which was alone in Hitler’s Europe in that it retained a sizeable measure of autonomy. It would have been much easier for the ‘forgotten French’ if their government had accompanied them into exile as did those of the Norwegians, Belgians and Poles. De Gaulle was no substitute. It would also have been easier if they had been able to set aside their love of their homeland. Throughout history, the French have generally made unhappy exiles, and the events of 1940

in The forgotten French

-reliant (some Labour MPs remarked that the effect of the State’s parsimony was to make students stand on their parents’ feet rather than their own, and lean on their banks for overdrafts). Students could only react to Government assaults on privileges which they had once regarded as rights, and dream of restoring a vanished golden age. Individually, students suffered from deteriorating services, grants and benefits. Collectively, they – or their elected officers – faced attacks on the autonomy of student unions, measures designed to subject them to tighter control by the

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90

frame of Laws, or the best state or mould of a commonwealth; but foreseeing that it would be a long work, his desire of collecting the Natural History diverted him.’6 Natural history is privileged above political theory, just as the New Atlantis itself, ‘A Worke unfinished’, is placed at the end of the volume containing the Sylva Sylvarum, natural history collected from a mixture of observation and reading. In the New Atlantis, the practice of science appears to be kept institutionally and geographically separate from politics, with considerable autonomy being given

in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis

constitution of another state if it gave assistance to one of them (for this is anarchy). He cautions that prior to this critical phase, such interference would amount to ‘a violation of the right of a people’, making ‘the autonomy of all states insecure’. 11 Only when a state has collapsed into anarchy, with rival groups claiming sovereign authority, can other states intervene to assist in bringing about an end to the

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

approach to development with some long-standing laissez-faire principles. Two wider political issues made Colonial Office attempts to persuade the Caribbean colonies to follow its preferred routes to industrialisation difficult, however. The increasing political autonomy of governments in the Caribbean region meant that Britain could not merely instruct its West Indian possessions to follow its edicts. In addition, it became clear that in the post-war world, the US hoped to shape development across the Caribbean along lines that it found conducive to its own interests

in Science at the end of empire
Criteria for ecologically rational governance

2579Ch1 12/8/03 11:46 AM Page 1 1 Where the grass is greener: criteria for ecologically rational governance The (re)discovery of the tragedy of the commons raised a normative question that has haunted students and practitioners of politics ever since: ‘How are we to govern ourselves so as to value democracy and individual autonomy and still retain the integrity of the commons?’ The question implies that the latter – interpreted as ecological sustainability – may prove a formidable challenge to presently existing democratic systems of governance. Practical

in Sweden and ecological governance
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The German model of federalism

federal actions that can be seen as interfering with state autonomy. The German era of cooperative federalism also weakened, but certainly did not eliminate, the German dualism of federal legislation and Land administration. Cooperative federalism is usually identified with the finance reforms of 1969 which were passed by the grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD. These reforms provided for the sharing of the most important taxes for federal and Land levels, authorized federal grants for certain purposes, and even initiated a traditionally rejected “mixed administration

in The Länder and German federalism
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Some philosophical obstacles and their resolution

, usually as options in a wide repertoire of partly competing values and principles. The traditional commitment to such first-order moral values is characteristically replaced by the dominant effort to promote second-order values, most conspicuously autonomy, critical thinking, respect and tolerance. Moral training is accordingly seen primarily in terms of the capacity to make meaningful choices in one’s life (self-critical exercise of autonomy), on the one hand, and the ability to live side by side with people who have different, often incompatible, values and life

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies

ethicists have been particularly aware not only of the progressive potential of care ethics, but of the very real possibilities for domination that inhere. Thus Joan Tronto has suggested, ‘There is always implicit in care the danger that those who receive care will lose their autonomy and their sense of independence’ (Tronto 1993 : 146). Because care ethicists are concerned to highlight moral (and political

in Recognition and Global Politics

resources emerged among the Länder. These were made up to some extent by transfers among the Länder and federal grants. If the Weimar Republic became more like a decentralized unitary state than a federal state, the Third Reich of Adolf Hitler was a centralized state with no pretense of regional autonomy. In January 1934, a year after Hitler took power, a law was passed according to which the Länder ceased to exist as meaningful federal units, and the local administrative units that came into being were financed by grants from the central government. During the occupation

in The Länder and German federalism