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; this in turn gave rise to very different incentives to erect particular forms of institutions. Colonial settlers established a legacy of ‘good’ (inclusive, prosperity-enhancing) institutions in places where they committed to settling in large numbers for long periods, in the process enacting and upholding private property rights; they did this in places where they were engaged in tasks where land was abundant and that required relatively little labour, and (most importantly) where disease burdens were low (Australia, New Zealand, Canada, northern and western United

in History, historians and development policy
The pastoral responses of the Irish churches to emigration

not seen a priest for some time suggested a ready audience for their ministrations. Visiting Maine in 1855, Fr James Donnelly was met by a frenzy. ‘Poor people!’ he wrote in his diary, ‘How sad to see so many and so good without a Pastor! crushing and pushing for confession, [they] broke 2 panes of glass. Well [they] didn’t pull down the house’.31 Letters from Protestant emigrants in North America and Australia suggested that the absence of a church of their own sect within reach sent them even more readily into other churches.32 Gamble Crawford, who wrote to his

in Population, providence and empire

–202. 38 See Fiona Paisley, Loving Protection? Australian Feminism and Aboriginal Women’s Rights, 1919–39 (Carlton South: Melbourne University Press, 2000 ); Fiona Paisley, ‘Citizens of their world: Australian feminism and indigenous rights in the international context, 1920s and 1930s’, Feminist Review , 58: spring (1998), 66–84; and Angela

in Female imperialism and national identity

possess them they were written down much later. It follows that their treatment of the past can only be evaluated once we have placed them in their own present, broaching questions of authorship, language of composition, approach, sources and motives. The potential worth of such an exercise can swiftly be appreciated if we remind ourselves that, if we exclude formal documents such as the charters of the lords of the Isles,1 then the indigenous contemporary written sources for the history of the Scottish Gàidhealtachd in medieval and later medieval times are sparse

in The spoken word
Open Access (free)
Colonial subjects and the appeal for imperial justice

Zealand’. 49 Blaming Europeans in Britain and New Zealand was a common theme of the campaign against Tawhiao. The Minister of Native Affairs, John Ballance, condemned those in Britain who sought to take issue with the treatment of indigenous peoples: ‘There is a demand in England for Native grievances.’ 50 With the government of New Zealand and the New Zealand press doing everything in their power to

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911

throughout the colonial era and for some time during decolonisation and independence, agents of biomedicine, including missionaries, marginalised indigenous medical practitioners. The 1930s were a key time for nursing and medical expansion in Nigeria. Andrew G. Onokerhoraye notes that the inter-war years witnessed an expansion of hospitals such that by 1930, seventy-one were in existence and twenty-three were mission-owned, the latter reflecting both Protestant and Catholic expansion. At this time, the British colonial government supported missions that could develop rural

in Colonial caring

referred to by Angharad Fletcher in Chapter 2, nursing was being provided across 60 Nurses during the Anglo-Boer War (what was to become) ‘South Africa’ by a number of different agencies which have been described as ‘reflecting the disjointed course of colonial development [in South Africa]’.5 This ‘nursing’ included care by family members and traditional healers for much of the indigenous population, the basic nursing and medical knowledge of European missionaries, the presence of trained European nurses, as well as the Afrikaners’ and their servants’ own home

in Colonial caring
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40

4 ‘They do what you wish; they like you; you the good nurse!’:1 colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40 Linda Bryder Introduction In 1911 New Zealand’s Department of Public Health launched its Native Health nursing scheme, to serve the health needs of the local indigenous population, the Māori.2 At that time the Māori population numbered about 52,000; most lived in extremely isolated small communities and had much poorer health standards than non-Māori. The circular announcing the scheme explained that the appointees would be trained

in Colonial caring

dangerous of an earlier era were transformed and appropriated into the known and the safe of imperial ritual. They became incorporated into an imperial culture. Colonial officials developed customs and practices such as royal visits in a long-term cultural dance with Native Americans, South Asians, Africans, Maori, and Australian Aborigines, one dominated by Europeans but informed by the (imagined or real

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911

Indian culture. Earlier manifestations were to be found in accounts of tribals, but striking was the tendency increasingly to locate these pathologies in areas of indigenous settlement at the heart of colonial power. Here the so-called Black Town areas of Calcutta and Madras featured prominently. Descriptions of these areas were part of a nascent urban mythology that requires brief attention. References

in The other empire