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relation to the world becomes the task of rational beings. Whereas Kant did not wish to make absolute claims for the ego, because this would require intellectual intuition to back up claims about the selfdetermining nature of the I, the SP, in the light of Fichte’s Wissenschaftslehre (Doctrine of Science), has no doubts about the absolute freedom of the intelligible self. When the SP asks: ‘How must a world be constituted for a moral being?’ the question is, significantly, posed from the side of the subject that will alter the world, rather than from the side of a world
in St. Stephen’s College, several of my cohorts and I were insinuated in the intellectual excitement that surrounded the emergence of subaltern studies. Soon, pursuing a (taught) master’s in (modern) history, also at Delhi University, the debates and ferment of those times led to wider critical engagements with historiographical and theoretical currents then underway across the world. Here, even as
opposed tendencies that have been described as those of rationalism and historicism, of the analytical and the hermeneutical, and of the progressivist and the romantic. 9 It is critical to track the frequent combination in intellectual practice of these tendencies in order to trace the contradictions and contentions and ambivalences and excesses of modern knowledge(s), as part of
philosophy. Hegel claims to achieve what Schelling does not when he argues that: ‘The deficit in Schelling’s philosophy is that he places the point of the indifference of subjective and objective at the beginning; this identity is set up absolutely, without it being proven that this is the truth’ (Hegel 1971 III p. 435). Hegel’s claim is, then, that he can articulate the unity of subject and object – rather than postulate it, as Schelling does in the idea of ‘intellectual intuition’ – by explicating the initially indeterminate content of intellectual intuition. The System of
multiculturalism and ‘identity politics’. While reading Žižek as a European philosopher, they do not – unlike Bjelić ( 2009 ) – additionally situate him as one whose intellectual trajectory passes through the late socialist/postsocialist Slovenian academy. Yet that discursive community is, this book shows, the product of pre-Yugoslav and state socialist racial formations, inflected by the continent-wide peripheralisation of south/eastern Europe and the ‘nesting orientalisms’ (Bakić-Hayden 1995 ) of the region's identity constructions. These formations are connected to, though
a beach is moving off from indecision’ (Nicholson, 2014 : 30). In frontier terms islands may be small; simple they are not. The more flexible concept of frontier as zone can to some extent respond to Bonjie’s complication. Here the notion of frontier is also an intellectual and collective space that, as Nash suggests, exists in the imagination. The frontier here describes
‘uninhibited and magnetic personality’ (Gonsalves, 2010b : xiii). Since Gonsalves combines the authority of an intellectual eastern Caribbean leader with a determination to follow his own diplomatic, aid and foreign policy paths, it is hardly surprising that American State Department analysts have taken an interest in his activities. In one report, he is
says, to counter a skin condition). He speaks in a thick Vincentian working-class accent with a raspy, smoke-filled voice that at times slurs his words. Now, in another manifestation, he has become an articulate, working-class intellectual. He has written a number of articles arguing for acceptance of ganja use and legalisation of the growing of the plant. He has jointly authored official investigations
[Individuum] in an essential way, immediately, without any form, even that of subject and object . . . as the knower and the known here coincide’ (Schopenhauer 1986 I pp. 172–3). His claim echoes what is intended by the notion of ‘intellectual intuition’ that Schelling developed in relation to Fichte. Nietzsche and the fate of Romantic thought 263 Schelling’s argument was that if an implausible idealism is to be avoided, Fichte’s version of intellectual intuition, in which ‘If I think an external object then the thought is different from the object, but if I think myself
ethnopolitics and European geopolitics, however, both existed within a deeper framework of global coloniality in a fin-de-siècle when, Dušan Bjelić ( 2009 : 286) observes, south-east European intellectual elites routinely attended the universities of their ‘geopolitical allies’. European colonial imagination directly entered south-east European politics through these routes, translated through whatever identified one's own nation with ‘Europe’. Bjelić, indeed, arguably does most to set early-twentieth-century south-east European politics of identity in