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liberalism and conservatism, socialism was a nineteenth-century development with its roots in the eighteenth century and even earlier. It grew up with industrialisation and urbanisation, a process that was under way in Britain by the 1750s and spread to Western Europe during the early part of the 1800s. This process created the modern factory system (which is only now beginning to disappear in the industrialised West) and

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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. Global agreements tend to be of a framework character whereas more specific requirements are often found in accords at a lower level, typically nested in the more overarching global arrangements. The aim of this chapter is to provide a theoretical backdrop to and elaborate a research design for the investigation. The chapter consists of four main parts. The first section seeks to place the implementation literature in a wider theoretical context, asking how the two major theoretical approaches to international relations, realism and liberalism, see the role of

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia
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The International Arbitration and Peace Association

liberalism, socialism, Evangelicalism, feminism and internationalism, a blend that made it central to both the British and European peace movements. The IAPA acknowledged European definitions of ‘just wars’ and refused to be swept along in the tide of jingoistic imperialism that gripped Britain at the turn of the century. Although it was officially secular in its arguments for peace, it had many members who upheld religious and Evangelical ideas. The IAPA’s arguments for equality drew in women from various strands of the feminist movement, giving rise to a range of ways of

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Here be monsters

This book contributes to the study of science and politics by shedding light on sometimes dark, hidden or ignored aspects of openness as a core policy agenda. While opening up of science to public scrutiny and public deliberation is good in principle, various dilemmas and problems are entailed by this move, which also should be made public and be discussed more openly. Developed as a solution to perceived crises in science/society relations, openness and transparency initiatives might hide ‘monsters’ that need to be made visible and need to be examined. Chapters in this book deal with four themes: transparency in the context of science in the public sphere; responsibility in the context of in contemporary research practice and governance, both globally and locally; experts in the context of policy-making, risk assessment and the regulation of science; and faith in the context of tensions and misunderstandings between science and religion. Each section of the book contains an opening essay by experts on a particular theme (Mark Brown, Benjamin Worthy, Barbara Prainsack/Sabina Leonelli, Chris Toumey). The book closes with an epilogue by Stephen Turner and an essay by John Holmwood. At present, openness in science is more important than ever. This book should be of interest to academics and members of the public who want to know more about the challenges and opportunities of 'making science public' - the theme of a Leverhulme Trust funded research programme on which this book is based.

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The leadership gamble of William Hague

put their own spin on this, dubbing him ‘William Squitt’. Fisher’s judgement is only one of many ill-fated generalisations about the nature of Tory leadership. The dictum that loyalty to a leader was the Conservative Party’s secret weapon was repeated so often that it lapsed into a cliché. But it had never been true. Before the advent of economic liberalism the Tory Party believed in hierarchy, so it was hardly a surprise that its members should place special emphasis on the leadership role. But the same doctrine suggested that when a leader seemed unequal to the

in The Conservatives in Crisis

attempt to reconcile social justice and economic efficiency. Alternatively, as Cammack sees things, Giddens has deliberately subverted the language of social democracy in order to usher in a new and aggressive phase of neo-liberalism. On his account, the Third Way is not an attempt to address the perceived failures of both the Old Left and neo-liberalism, but rather the ideological

in The Third Way and beyond
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derives from the fact that two different traditions of political thought are at work in the public–private distinction. The complexity does not stop there, however, for liberal discourses also frequently invoke a romantic tradition as well. Will Kymlicka suggests that there are two different conceptions of the public–private distinction at work within liberalism: the state–civil society distinction and the social

in Political concepts

attitudinal profiles of the voters. We build upon findings from the two major studies of French voters in the last ten years, namely L’électeur français en questions (Boy and Mayer, 1990) 1 and L’électeur a ses raisons (Boy and Mayer, 1997). The first of these studies was based upon SOFRES data from the 1988 presidential post-election survey and depicted the French electorate as occupying a bidimensional space defined by economic liberalism – state intervention versus laissez-faire – and cultural liberalism – libertarian versus authoritarian – axes. The latter used the 1995

in The French party system

equality? And how did this result in Dewey arguing for democratic socialism within the confines of the Great Society? The answers to these questions are best illustrated in Dewey’s reconstruction of liberalism and liberty in Liberalism and Social Action (LW11) and a whole swathe of essays written throughout the 90 John Dewey Great Depression. In these works, Dewey puts forward the idea that ‘liberalism’ and its idea of liberty had become a much-confused concept and departed from its initial meaning (LW11: 5). If we recall the discussion of philosophical liberalism in

in John Dewey
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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain

together to an understanding of the social and political order. Liberalism as it developed during the nineteenth century was allimportant in the growth of these ideas. Most influential in the midcentury period was Richard Cobden, whose support for free trade between nations was based on a belief that commercial relations between nations would make them interdependent on one another, and thus make war contrary to their interests. Cobden pressed for a formal policy of nonintervention and international arbitration, and while he collaborated with absolute pacifists, he made

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’