this point helps to explain the events of the following stages. By the time Mercosur was officially launched in 1991, the EU was fully aware of the integration movement in South America thanks to these years of EU–Latin America relations. The outcome of the engagement of the EU towards Mercosur results from low ambition and commitment on the European side. This stage of the policy shows the lowest engagement of the three stages, but the level of engagement is certainly superior to the pre-Iberian membership era. The accession of Spain and Portugal to the EU marked

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
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, the Deutsche Nationalpartei (German National Party), which, however, never materialised (Sippel 1989). During the 1970s Frey founded several specialised ‘action groups’, which were able to absorb a substantial part of the rapidly diminishing NPD membership. The various groups worked together in the FR and called themselves Vereinigte Freiheitliche (United-Freedom Loving), after 1976 National-Freiheitliche. In the beginning of the 1980s Frey restructured his organisation: the various groups (and their members) became part of the umbrella organisation DV.1 In the mid

in The ideology of the extreme right

voice. He was then heard by a more respectful, if not intimidated audience! William had decided to make reform of the party the central plank of his leadership campaign. This was the right response to the grievances, real or imaginary, of our grass roots membership. The ballot to endorse his reform programme and his own position was the perfect way to stabilise the situation. Later he decided with my support to hold a similar ballot on his policy towards the single currency in the run up to the 1998 Conference. He proved to be right again, and the issue which had

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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Individuals acting together

and political questions, which is present in many areas of actual human life. In section 1 I discuss the general idea of community, then offer and explore a specific conception of community as collective agency. In section 2 I suggest that membership of a collective agency raises, but does not of itself settle, important questions about loyalty, allegiance and dissociation. In section 3 I suggest that the existence of

in Political concepts
From model to symbol

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.

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US–UK relations in the era of détente, 1969–77

This is the first monograph length study that charts the coercive diplomacy of the administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford as practiced against their British ally in order to persuade Edward Heath’s government to follow a more amenable course throughout the ‘Year of Europe’ and to convince Harold Wilson’s governments to lessen the severity of proposed defence cuts. Such diplomacy proved effective against Heath but rather less so against Wilson. It is argued that relations between the two sides were often strained, indeed, to the extent that the most ‘special’ elements of the relationship, that of intelligence and nuclear co-operation, were suspended. Yet, the relationship also witnessed considerable co-operation. This book offers new perspectives on US and UK policy towards British membership of the European Economic Community; demonstrates how US détente policies created strain in the ‘special relationship’; reveals the temporary shutdown of US-UK intelligence and nuclear co-operation; provides new insights in US-UK defence co-operation, and revaluates the US-UK relationship throughout the IMF Crisis.

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, the IODE has found many of its initial concerns to have been accomplished, or else professionalized, while others have been found to be no longer appropriate. Concern over an ageing demographic emerged in the mid-1960s, when the IODE asked ‘Are we dinosaurs?’ 1 The longevity of the IODE is impressive, and although membership never again reached the heights attained in the First World War and

in Female imperialism and national identity
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Factions or parties?

all reshuffles of the Whig pack, and none entailed a complete change of cabinet membership. It was this fluid political situation that gave George III the leverage to exercise the significant power that lay with the Crown. In doing so he acted in accord with much contemporary opinion. Many thought with the King when he used ‘faction’ and ‘party’ as pejorative words. For men of both ‘court’ and ‘country’ outlook they possessed the connotation of selfinterested combinations acting against the interests of the state. In 1770 Lord North clearly deemed it a political

in George III

-wide scheme until 1927 when the Bristol Medical Institutions Contributory Scheme (BMICS) was established. It was hoped this would bring the level of membership in Bristol up to that of the movement's leading lights; yet a decade later campaigners could still point enviously to cities like Sheffield and Liverpool where membership was roughly between one-third and a half of the whole population (including the dependants expected to be covered by the

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48

wrecked in 1952 by the incorrigible independence of its notables. The Gaullist party of the early Fifth Republic, despite its nationwide organisation and membership, was materially far more dependent on its positions within the state than its leaders cared to admit. Chirac’s relaunch of the party as the RPR in 1976 failed to re-establish it as a truly ‘mass’ party (Schonfeld, 1981). Nevertheless, there were clear organisational contrasts between the Gaullists’ quasi-military structures and nationwide membership and the much looser organisation of the non

in The French party system