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's ‘Here Comes the Hotstepper’. This Jamaican reggae hit, sampling several US soul and rap songs then appearing on the soundtrack of Robert Altman's Pret A Porter in 1994, exemplified how popular music circulates around and through the Black Atlantic (Alleyne 1998 : 76). Tap 011's video, however, was trapped between expressing resentment at global structural inequalities (exacerbated by Milošević's actions) and the caricature used to communicate it. Other songs about a post-Yugoslav state's international standing detached the device of the

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Problematising the normative connection

W IDESPREAD INTRA-STATE CONFLICT is not a new phenomenon. Its rise to the centre of attention in international policy circles is. UN involvement in intra-state conflicts is not new either. What is new is the increasing systematisation of UN involvement in conflict-torn societies. It is these two novelties of the post-Cold War world that shape the main concerns of this study. What is problematised

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
An assessment of EU development aid policies

Contribution of Development Cooperation, Paris: OECD. OECD (1999), DAC Scoping Study of Donor Poverty Reduction Policies and Practices, Paris: OECD. Olsen, G. R. (1998), ‘Europe and the promotion of democracy in post-cold war Africa: how serious is Europe and for what reasons?’, African Affairs, 97:388, pp. 343–367. Parfitt, T. W. (1990), ‘Lies, damned lies and statistics: the World Bank/Economic Commission for Africa structural adjustment controversy’, Review of African Political Economy, 17:47, pp. 128–41. Parfitt, T. W. and S. Bullock (1990), ‘The prospects for a new Lomé

in EU development cooperation

 29 2 NEGOTIATING VULNERABILITY IN THE TRIGGER WARNING DEBATES K atar iina  K y r ö l ä S ince around 2012, the use of trigger warnings or content warnings has spread all over the Internet and, to some extent, academic classrooms. Warnings about content that may be upsetting, offensive or that could trigger post-​traumatic stress responses abound online, particularly in contexts where the addressed include people or groups deemed marginalised, disadvantaged or traumatised. Trigger or content warnings have most commonly been linked to online images and texts

in The power of vulnerability

problematic in ways that have not proved possible for post-​colonial studies in the humanities. But metropolitan social science is also implicated in post-​imperial political, economic and structural forms of domination (Connell, 2007). By invoking a macro-​sociological level of analysis of global inequalities, post-​colonial sociology pinpoints the problematics of power that figure in a challenge to the epistemological foundation of metropolitan sociology. The field also claims considerable critical purchase in critiques of power at the meso-​sociological and micro

in Debating civilisations

sabotage of the strategy by factional rivals. The success of Jospin’s post-1995 restructuring owes a great deal to the fact that, internally, despite recent structural changes, the basic institutional logic which once underpinned Mitterrand’s dominance of the party underpinned Jospin’s incontournable position within the PS. Furthermore, externally, a similar strategic vision which once inspired the union de gauche, rooted in the ‘institutional cement’ of the rules of the game of the French party system, was seen by Jospin as a sine qua non of political success and

in The French party system
Open Access (free)

provides an important ‘discursive space in which new and transformative meanings are constantly being generated’ (Katzenstein et al. 2001: 269). Such social movements provide a crucial element of renewal and cohesion, and the most promising prospects for enduring reform. Finally, critiques of democratization have generated a lively debate about the relevance of the process in South Asia. Much as Marxist analysis provided a counterpoint to modernization theory in the 1960s and 1970s, today an equivalent intellectual space in South Asia is occupied by post-structural

in Democratization through the looking-glass

theories which in a sense rationalized that situation, which said that this was the way the cultural order worked, this was the way in which the ideology distributed its roles and functions. The whole project was then radically diverted by these new forms of idealist theory.10 (For Williams, structuralism’s problematic formalism and pessimism recur in academic post-structuralism and postmodernism.) What I want to ask is: how might Williams’s account assist our development and understanding of new cultural studies in South Africa? This leads me to question the

in Postcolonial contraventions
Open Access (free)

FAD1 10/17/2002 5:40 PM Page 1 1 Introduction Democracy and democratisation Since the early 1970s a ‘third wave’ of democratisation has swept the world. In the period 1972–94 the number of democratic political systems doubled from 44 to 107. And by the mid-1990s 58 per cent of the world’s states had adopted democratic governments.1 These momentous developments have led political scientists to re-examine the theoretical literature on democratisation, and to compare the current transitions in the post-communist bloc with earlier transitions in Latin America

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
DSI approaches and behaviours

various conceptual lenses into practice, as well as structural and operational features of the DSI. Ideologically, the DSI is less concerned with positive transformation which would focus on changing relationships of power and dominance in post-conflict settings and more concerned with bringing physical stability and opening up markets to neoliberal forces. Because of this ideological focus, there is a tendency to view war economies through a narrow model based on RC-type theories. Such analyses tend to ignore global linkages or facilitators in the growth and sustenance

in Building a peace economy?