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The Middlesex Election and the Townshend Duties Crisis
Peter D.G. Thomas

. MSS. 35608, fo. 290. 10 Walpole, Letters, VII, 239. 11 Scott, British Foreign Policy, pp. 131–5. Tracy, Navies, pp. 73–5. 12 Thomas, Townshend Duties Crisis, pp. 95–6. 13 Thomas, John Wilkes, pp. 90–1. 14 Trumbull Papers, p. 303. For the debate see Simmons and Thomas, Proceedings and Debates, III, 3–13. It is described in Thomas, Townshend Duties Crisis, pp. 104–7. 15 Thomas, Townshend Duties Crisis, pp. 107–11. 16 Simmons and Thomas, Proceedings and Debates, III, 47–50. 17 Simmons and Thomas, Proceedings and Debates, III, 64–83. 18 Simmons and Thomas, Proceedings

in George III
Open Access (free)
Svante Norrhem and Erik Thomson

, The Rise of the Great Powers, 1648–1815 (London and New York: Longman, 1983), p. 26; Peter H. Wilson, German Armies: War and German Politics 1648–1806 (London: UCL Press, 1998), pp. 63, 87, 107, 179, 206–207, 228, 267–269; Dwyryd Wyn Jones, War and Economy in the Age of William III and Marlborough (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), pp. 8–11; Jeremy Black, ‘Parliament and Foreign Policy in the Age of Walpole: The Case of the Hessians’, in Knights Errant and True Englishmen: British Foreign Policy, 1660–1800, ed. by Jeremy Black (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers Ltd

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

non-intervention, and the only sanctions he could accept were ‘the power of opinion and moral force’. 78 His condemnation of intervention had as its primary target British foreign policy under the sway of Palmerston, whose interventionism, according to Cobden, was against the interests of the British people. 79 The fact that the ‘international man’ was also a pacifist activist 80 made his absolute principle of non-intervention more convincing. 81 Moreover, Cobden

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

attitudes in this field, however, do not necessarily translate easily into specific political choices. For example, in the 1930s liberals were divided on ‘appeasement’ as the mainspring of British foreign policy, and in recent years they have been divided on Western intervention in the Gulf, the Balkans, Africa and, recently, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Liberalism in the twentieth century The twentieth century began

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Thomas Robb

eventually won.3 Callaghan took office on 5 April 1976, and Anthony Crosland took over from the new prime minister as foreign and commonwealth secretary. In his previous position, Callaghan had been influential in the formulation of British foreign policy and he was determined to retain a dominant role in foreign policy-making. Callaghan’s promotion to number 10 Downing Street thus ensured a degree of continuity in the conduct of British foreign policy.4 On the other side of the Atlantic, events were tumultuous for the Ford administration, both domestically and in the

in A strained partnership?
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

in British foreign policy that would place a renewed emphasis upon the US–UK relationship. Heath’s seemingly Euro-centric foreign policy was to be reversed and Wilson let it known that he would not be trying to create common political policies within the EEC. In fact, Wilson’s renegotiation of the terms of Britain’s EEC entry even questioned Britain’s membership.14 Wilson’s appointment of James Callaghan as foreign and commonwealth secretary, coupled with the prime minister’s willingness to allow Callaghan a degree of freedom in conducting foreign policy that was

in A strained partnership?
Rhiannon Vickers

comprehensive and widely accepted viewpoint on foreign policy. Windrich has argued that Labour followed a ‘socialist’ foreign policy in the post-war years;9 Winkler that the party developed a ‘League of Nations’ policy.10 Certainly these years were marked by a fair degree of Vic04 10/15/03 82 2:10 PM Page 82 THE LABOUR PARTY AND THE WORLD agreement within the different wings of the party on the basis of a British foreign policy, despite the widespread and enduring differences between the various groups and factions of the party and the mutual suspicion between the

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Jonathan Colman

frequently to meet tactical pressures from within his own party that … he had left himself no room for manoeuvre’. When Wilson first took office in October 1964, said Bruce, ‘he accepted the principle of the continuity of British foreign policy, which was based upon the long established friendly relationship with the US’. This meant that Wilson was ‘prepared to cooperate with the United States on major American

in A ‘special relationship’?