.’ Guardian, 18 November 2017. https:// www.theguardian.com/inequality/ng-interactive/2017/nov/18/li fe-shadow-grenfell-tower-next-door. 20 Hattenstone and Healey, ‘The tower next door’. 21 Vaittinen, ‘The Global Biopolitical Economy of Needs’, 28. 22 Redfish, ‘Failed By The State: The Struggle in the Shadow of Grenfell.’ Part 1, 10:24 min. Redfish. 16 November 2017. https://youtu. be/9tFPCUgjbfA. 23 Mark Wigley, ‘Insecurity by Design.’ In After the World Trade Center: Rethinking New York City, edited by Michael Sorkin and Sharon Zukin, 69–86. London: Routledge, 2002
In his review of The King’s Speech (Tom Hooper, 2010), Guardian critic Peter Bradshaw remarks that the Oscar-winning film shows ‘some cheek at presenting an English monarch as the underdog’. 1 However, although melodrama traditionally ‘sides with the powerless’, 2 it has become a common mode through which the British monarchy is represented in contemporary British
man and woman in unique partnership – doing their best, going resolutely and often painfully on’. 42 Both films depicted Victoria as preoccupied with her subjects’ prosperity and security, presenting the Queen, the Manchester Guardian believed, as ‘an actively beneficent constitutional force’. 43 It is certainly true that in these films Victoria has a strongly implied political agency. Thus, in
affords the ‘Gillick competent’ child the right of consent or refusal for medical or legal treatment, which adult professionals are duty-bound to offer, in order to ensure their wellbeing, even should such treatment be in contravention of their parent’s or guardian’s wishes. The legal case from which this label emerged sought to create no such protective framework for children, nor did it really seek to debate children’s capacity to consent. Rather, Victoria Gillick’s legal challenge aimed to bolster, exert, and
of vaccine injury was enough for the moral argument, showing that there were a number of cases helped to turn this into a scandal which the press could parse as a news story. 37 Drs J. V. T. Gosling and J. H. Moseley wrote to the Guardian weeks after the APVDC had been created, claiming that DTwP was not effective enough to be worth continuing and could cause brain damage. 38 George Dick, the member of the JCVI who had been cautious over oral polio and smallpox vaccines, also alleged that up to eighty cases of brain damage could be caused by pertussis vaccine
present’, the notes did not indicate much faith in his likelihood of recovery.68 Just like their counterparts in England, whose processing of disabled applicants has been analysed by Steven King, the parochial authorities in Scottish mining communities made distinctions and judgements that indicated a nuanced understanding of different impairments and their effects on individuals’ lives.69 Overall, despite the endeavours of national policymakers and administrators to centralise poor relief, local Guardians of the Poor still exercised a lot of discretion during the
miners acted independently on matters of health and safety, making decisions on their own or with their immediate work group colleagues about how best to protect their lives and bodies. At times, this meant they were prepared to defy colliery management and even the law. In October 1867 the Colliery Guardian reported the case of John Macmillan, a Durham mineworker prosecuted for breach of contract. Macmillan left his place of work at Washington Colliery without the consent of his employers. When asked to explain his actions in court, Macmillan ‘complained that the
, their announcement on Wednesday, 31 August, that ‘a complete cessation of military operations’ would take effect ‘as of midnight’ was greeted with amazement and euphoria by large numbers of people in Ireland and Britain. A headline in the northern nationalist Irish News hailed the Provisionals’ statement as marking the start of ‘A New Era’, while The Guardian spoke of ‘The Promise of Peace’, and ‘an historic resolution of Northern Ireland’s bloody Troubles’.35 Nationalist Belfast and Derry witnessed instant scenes of jubilation, yet these only served to fuel
‘home movies’ taken, for example, behind the scenes on Coronation Day which show the Queen juggling the duties of monarch and mother and on family seaside holidays in Norfolk. Caroline Davies, previewing the programme for the Guardian , suggests that this ‘footage is similar to that stored in boxes in millions of homes across Britain’. 9 In the programme Charles is seen viewing the old footage and is
involved in the public discussion of medicine and Introduction 9 biology, the teaching of professional ethics and the development of regulatory guidelines. This outside involvement was undoubtedly influential. In a 1991 article detailing the establishment of the Nuffield Council on Bioethics, the Guardian claimed that Britain was seeing the growth of an ‘ethics industry’ in which bioethicists led ‘a national debate on ethical questions arising from modern developments in medicine’.53 The architects of this ‘ethics industry’ had become respected public and political