Obama, Trump and the Asia Pacific political economy
Michael Mastanduno

-orienting of former adversaries – Germany in Europe and Japan in Asia – into partners supportive of US-inspired economic and security orders. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, post-war administrations sought to broaden and deepen the US hegemonic order. The United States cast itself as indispensable to global order and as the self-appointed regional stabiliser in Europe, Asia and the Middle East. It sought to entice Russia and China, despite not being US security allies, to follow the post-war German and Japanese examples and partner with Washington in support of an

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Obama’s legacy in US China Policy
Peter Gries

problems required diplomatic and multilateral solutions. Obama billed himself “the first Pacific President” in November 2009, and first announced his Pivot to Asia in November 2011. Michael Green argues that Barack Obama was not actually the first Pacific president, but the first to pursue a genuinely Asia-first strategy. 18 Regardless, it is no coincidence that Obama’s first foreign visitor was Japanese Prime Minister Tarō Aso. South Korean President Myung-Bak Lee received the Obama administration’s first formal state visit, and his Secretary of State Hillary Clinton

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Shaun Breslin

strategic structures to globalized economic structures. A cursory analysis of the Freedom House ratings for states in the region gives some indication of the problems of considering the region as a whole (see Table 11.1). At one extreme we have the established democracy of Japan – though even here, the transition from managed factionalism within the structure of rule by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to conflictual factionalism and political fragmentation in the post-LDP coalition governments has created new challenges to democratic politics. There is then a second

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Jeremy C.A. Smith

prompted ongoing discussion (Arnason, 2015; Arnason et al., 2005; Bellah and Joas, 2012). There is no space here to explore the myriad paths of the subsequent debate. But one criticism can be foreshadowed. At no time has any systematic attempt been made to bring other non-​Axial zones into the picture (with the one exception of Japan) to defend the Axial civilisations thesis. If that step were systematically taken, then Eisenstadt’s conception of civilisation and its dimensions would be further problematised and questions would emerge about modern empires as states. To

in Debating civilisations
Robert Sutter

that characterised Obama government diplomacy. On the one hand, his approach had the advantage of keeping opponents (like China) as well as allies and partners on the defensive in dealing with the new President. Trump came to see the wisdom of abandoning his earlier cavalier treatment of allies Japan, South Korea and Australia. He built cordial personal ties with most important regional leaders. On the other hand, American engagement in the region remained episodic, featuring intense pressure beginning in 2017 to prevent North Korea’s nuclear weapons development

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Atul Bhardwaj

to pool the resources of regional partners inspired medium and small maritime powers in the region to increase their naval spending. As a result, submarines became the most sought-after vessel in the region. As of 2019 it is estimated that 228 full-sized submarines operate in the East and South China Seas, and that within a decade this number will rise to 300. 14 The introduction of modern, quiet vessels has changed the operational picture in the region with Australia, India, Pakistan, Japan, South Korea and Indonesia expanding and modernising their fleets. In

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Rhiannon Vickers

Vic05 10/15/03 2:11 PM Page 107 Chapter 5 The Labour Party, pacifism and the Spanish Civil War On 18 September 1931 Japan invaded China on the pretext that a Japanese railway in Manchuria had suffered from Chinese sabotage. Japanese troops over-ran Manchuria and set up a puppet state. China appealed to the League of Nations for assistance under Article 11 of the Covenant, and the League responded by asking Japan to evacuate the territory it had occupied. Japan, which had signed up to the Covenant of the League of Nations and the Briand-Kellogg Pact (thereby

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Problems of polysemy and idealism
Andrew Sayer

for success and embeddedness and networks as frictions, or ‘conspiracies against the public’. Dore (1983) argued that the success of Japanese capitalism, with its strongly embedded economic relations, involving long-term commitments among firms and between large firms and their key workers, demonstrated that the liberal model of capitalism was faulty. There was not one capitalism but several kinds, none of which was to be regarded as the norm, and the more embedded and regulated Rhenish and Japanese capitalisms were looking stronger than the Anglo-American neo

in Market relations and the competitive process
The case of colonial India and Africa
C. A. Bayly

sophisticated states and economies. What was the role of these non-European state forms and economic institutions in comparative economic development? In the middle of AJR’s spectrum that runs from rich societies with ‘good’ institutions to poor societies with ‘bad’ institutions, there lies a large group of heterogeneous examples. These range from Japan and wealthy Chinese coastal societies, where Europeans neither settled nor even established long-lived extractive colonial institutions, to poor parts of the Ottoman Empire or North Africa which failed to benefit from global

in History, historians and development policy
Imaginaries, power, connected worlds
Jeremy C.A. Smith

of large-​scale connections in human history. The aim of the examples selected is to clarify the framework rather than to validate it as such. Subsequent chapters in Part II, on the other hand, aim for greater depth by exploring the modern case studies of the Pacific, Latin America and Japan. Dimensions of inter-​civilisational engagement As argued thus far, historians and sociologists have explored a host of civilisations sitting between the opposing poles of definitive closure and porosity. The historical record throws up quite distinct cases of trans

in Debating civilisations