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Martin Joormann

asylum systems, paying privately for a professional immigration lawyer strengthens the applicant’s position (the two Nordic countries here do provide some hours of publicly paid legal aid for all asylum seekers, see above). Outside the asylum system, larger amounts of economic capital – for Maltese citizenship, EUR 900,000 – open up mobility corridors for the ultra-rich (Barbulescu, 2014). This exclusiveness and, consequentially, the social exclusion that these potential and direct advantages of access to economic capital imply, is indeed a classed form of structural

in Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe
Deterrence policies and refugee strategies
Martin Bak Jørgensen

the de facto border closures directed against unwanted migrants on their way to the neighbouring Nordic countries, the perception changed. Since then, the temporary border controls have been extended several times with the approval of the EU due to the alleged state of emergency. Across the Danish political landscape – with the exception of the most leftist parties, the social liberals, and Alternativet (a party resembling Green parties in other countries) – there has been a consensus on the need to limit the number of asylum applicants. Numerous political actors

in Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe
Annika Lindberg

Asylum Seekers at Asylum Centres). PhD, University of Copenhagen. Minimum rights policies 101 Tervonen, M., Pellander, S. and Yuval-Davis, N. (2018). ‘Everyday Bordering in the Nordic Countries’, Nordic Journal of Migration Research 8(3), pp. 139–142. Triandafyllidou, A. and Ambrosini, M. (2011). ‘Irregular Immigration Control in Italy and Greece: Strong Fencing and Weak Gate-Keeping Serving the Labour Market’, European Journal of Migration and Law 13(3), pp. 251–273. Valenta, M. and Thorshaug, K. (2011). ‘Failed Asylum-Seekers’ Responses to Arrangements Promoting

in Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe
Dimitris Tsarouhas

Retreat of Social Democracy (Manchester: Manchester University Press). EIROnline (2007) ‘Unions criticise proposal to cut unemployment and sickness benefits’: www.eurofound.europa.eu/eiro/2007/10/articles/se0710029i.htm (accessed 21 November 2007). Elvander, N. (2002) ‘The labour market regimes in the Nordic countries: a comparative analysis’, Scandinavian Political Studies, 25 (2). EU Observer (2007) ‘Swedish trade unions lose EU labour case, 18 December’: http://euobserver.com/9/25359 (accessed 19 December 2007). Forsman, E. (2007) ‘Trygghetsavtal ger arbetslösa nytt

in In search of social democracy
Annamaria Simonazzi

, structured around three main dimensions: earnings quality, labour market security and quality of the working environment. It is no wonder that all programme/crisis countries – Estonia, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Portugal, the Slovak Republic, Spain – do relatively badly in two or all of the three dimensions of job quality, and none performs well in at least one of these dimensions (OECD, 2016). Conversely, Germany and the Nordic countries are among the best performers (at least two out of three dimensions). Outcomes on job quality across socio-economic groups

in Making work more equal
The dualist and complex role of the state in Spanish labour and employment relations in an age of ‘flexibility’
Miguel Martínez Lucio

the ability of trade unions to challenge management attempts at restructuring over the past decade, have undermined the regulation of employment. In effect, the state is caught trying to limit and contain some of the problems it creates through the dualist legacy it has developed. The question of social dialogue in Spain: overcoming challenges from above? While the level of participation in terms of representation at the state level with regards to trade unions and employer organisation is not as embedded as that of certain Nordic countries, the level of political

in Making work more equal
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Shirin M. Rai

public bodies. While in Europe (without the Nordic countries) women comprised 13.4 per cent of the total number of MPs, the figure in SubSaharan Africa was 11.7 per cent, in Asia 14.3 per cent and in the Americas 15.3 per cent. In recognition of the slow improvement in women’s representation in national Parliaments, enhancing women’s presence within state bodies is now being pursued by both women’s movements and international institutions. This suggests that an engagement with state structures is now considered an appropriate means of bringing about shifts in public

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Svante Norrhem and Erik Thomson

–105. Introduction 11 in order to buy the allegiance of northern Europe and steer the Nordic countries and North German states away from anti-French alliances, with the hope of strengthening France’s borders with the Holy Roman Empire.23 The most important international studies of recent vintage are of the subsidies France paid to the Swiss cantons in the sixteenth century: at times, French subsidies accounted for between 15 per cent and 65 per cent of an individual canton’s revenues, which left its mark economically, socially, and politically by benefiting a Francophile elite

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
Geir Hønneland and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen

say in defining and grading the threats, and to influence priorities where implementation of international commitments is concerned. Thus, for the USA the military threat from the nuclear submarines and possible proliferation Nuclear safety 117 threats are the main issues. For the European countries, and for the Nordic countries in particular, the Kola Nuclear Power Plant is seen as the most pressing problem, although the focus on nuclear waste has been higher. For Norway, a large exporter of fish, it has been an important goal to ensure that the Barents Sea

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia
Geir Hønneland and Anne-Kristin Jørgensen

Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Kaliningrad, Kirov, Leningrad, Murmansk, Novgorod and Pskov Oblasts, Nenets Autonomous Okrug and the city of St Petersburg. The Russian conceptions of ‘Northwestern Russia’ are all either significantly broader than – or totally different from – those found in the West, in particular in the Nordic countries. In the West, the term ‘Northwestern Russia’ is normally used when referring to the Russian part of the Barents Euro-Arctic Region, i.e. Murmansk and Arkhangelsk Oblasts, the Republic of Karelia and Nenets Autonomous Okrug. However, there is a

in Implementing international environmental agreements in Russia