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Washington’s painful search for a credible China policy
Börje Ljunggren

of Donald Trump as president of the United States in late 2016 brought something of a sea change to US foreign policy. Yet it remains true that Washington needs to develop a viable policy based on today’s – and tomorrow’s – realities. No such policy is in sight. From a Western perspective, it can, naturally, be tempting to dream of travelling back in time to an era when China was catching up rather than constituting an economic, military, political and even systems challenge. There have been critical moments. Notably, China’s entry into the WTO in 2001 provided

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Exception, not transformation
Malcolm Cook

, restricting both their own and ASEAN’s ability to adopt a maximum pressure strategy. North Korea signed the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation before the United States, and is one of twenty-seven states and regional groupings participating in the ARF. It is reported that US efforts to have North Korea excluded from the 2017 ARF attended by Tillerson did not succeed. 31 Conclusions If the broad focus and frameworks of US foreign policy in Asia of the Trump administration, up until early 2019, persist, then the level of commitment to ASEAN and the EAS demonstrated by

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Obama’s legacy in US China Policy
Peter Gries

Introduction After seven years of a George W. Bush foreign policy focused on the “war on terror”, Barack Obama came into office in 2009 seeking to “pivot” US foreign policy towards a growing Asia. Together with his Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, he was particularly keen to reset a US relationship with China that had withered under a Bush administration engrossed in the Middle East. Working with China, Obama and Clinton hoped, would help resolve a growing list of bilateral, regional and global security challenges. Instead, the eight years of the Obama

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
An endangered legacy
Matteo Dian

administration and wider US foreign policy community perceived DPJ policies not as a legitimate reorientation of an allied country priority, but rather as a threat to the foundations of the alliance and consequently to the entire US strategic position in East Asia. 9 The Obama administration’s response was to nudge, and if necessary coerce, Japan into adopting a foreign policy aligned with Washington’s interests. 10 Hatoyama resigned in June 2010, nine months after his election. Resistance from the United States over his attempts to reorient Japanese foreign policy was by

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
David P. Calleo

, Richard Holbrooke argues that the Bosnian tragedy and the resulting Dayton accords marked a shift in US foreign policy. It became, in his words, ‘more assertive, more muscular’. Richard Holbrooke, To End a War (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 359. This, in his view, was in large degree a reaction to the failure of the Europeans to deal with a major crisis in their own backyard: ‘While both the U.S. and the EU initially viewed the Balkan wars as a European problem, the Europeans chose not to take a strong stand, restricting themselves to dispatching U.N. “peacekeepers

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Thomas Robb

this would provide him with unique access and influence over US foreign policy. Concurrently, Wilson intended for Britain to remain in the EEC, as this would allow Britain to derive the economic benefits of EEC membership. In essence, the role Wilson had sought for Britain in the 1960s was to be largely transferred into the 1970s.21 The end of the ‘Year of Europe’ On assuming office, Wilson quickly contacted Nixon and informed him that it was his intention to put US–UK relations on a sounder footing.22 ‘The Labour government apparently wants to revive something

in A strained partnership?
Open Access (free)
Germany, the use of force and the power of strategic culture
Kerry Longhurst

actual reversal of the post-1989 trend, which saw the Bundeswehr being deployed in ever wider missions, Afghanistan and Iraq signified that there were clear limits to this trend and, crucially, that the use of force was contingent on particular factors and conditions. Moreover, German security policy after September 11 brought into focus the complex domestic consensus regarding the Bundeswehr’s role. The tenor of US foreign policy thinking and its strategy for Iraq had little resonance with German strategic culture and thus mitigated against Germany’s active military

in Germany and the use of force
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

, Risse-Kappen’s key work in this area, is devoted to a series of case studies demonstrating the extent to which the European NATO members were able to influence US foreign policy decision-making through the NATO structures at key junctures during the Cold War. Brenner has also stressed the importance of this factor, writing that ‘the culture of multilateralism [within NATO] eases the apprehensions of weaker states about

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
The United States Peace Corps in the early 1960s
Agnieszka Sobocinska

New York : Zed Books , 2008 ); B . Simpson , Economists with Guns: Authoritarian Development and US-Indonesian Relations, 1960–1968 ( Stanford : Stanford University Press , 2008 ); Cullather, The Hungry World ; M . Latham , The Right Kind of Revolution: Modernization, Development and US Foreign Policy from the Cold War to the Present

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

and civilize and Christianize them, and by God’s grace do the best’. 118 One need not regard the religious touch as mere window-dressing or the epitome of hypocrisy. Apart from McKinley’s genuine religious feelings, 119 bringing together the sacred with the secular, however absurd it may appear to us today, is a proclivity in US foreign policy with a long tradition. 120 In any event, similar pronouncements, though more down to earth, were made by McKinley

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century