Fanon's decolonial episteme falls short. For Fanon is surprisingly receptive to the ‘fatal impact’ thesis of colonial lore, which proposes that no indigenous culture can survive the colonial encounter (Moorhead 1987 ). While often mobilized as a narrative frame for South Pacific colonial histories, I would argue that this thesis is clearly evident in assessments of the fatal
they have also put a different spin on configurations of time and space in the past and the present. In addition to perspectives on the coloniality/decoloniality of power/knowledge that were discussed earlier, important here have been distinct studies focusing on the linkages of the Enlightenment and empire, race and reason, the past and the present. 27 Pasts and communities All
stands out in this regard on two counts. First, the restructuring of the political order undertaken by the governments of Evo Morales went the furthest in accommodating an indigenous cosmovision. In contributing much to the project of founding pluri-national polities and the communal principles of buen vivir, Morales’s Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) gave the greatest effect to a decolonial praxis. Second, in championing a realignment of humanity and Nature, Morales utilised indigenous ontologies to reimagine Nature as Mother Earth –a sovereign entity with rights
's geopolitical identity, so often called ‘between East and West’, could involve even more than balancing Europe's privileged West and Othered East; sometimes it pulled Yugoslavia southwards out of Europe altogether, into the post-Bandung configuration that for scholars like Mignolo ( 2011 : 273) ignited the decolonial moment. But this was not the first ambiguous racial formation in the Yugoslav region: even before unification, multiple such formations already circulated through the region, creating contradictory points of identification. Their legacies of racialised thinking
), and by the political attacks on ‘activist researchers’ within the fields of migration studies, gender studies, and critical race theory, and scholars working with abolitionist and decolonial approaches in Denmark and in Sweden (see Danbolt and Myong, 2018; Schmidt, 2021; Suárez-Krabbe, 2022).
. 2019 . ‘ Histories of Violence: Thinking Art in a Decolonial Way ’, interview with Lewis R. Gordon, Los Angeles Review of Books (June) . Fazi , M. Beatrice . 2018 . Contingent Computation: Abstraction, Experience, and Indeterminacy in Computational Aesthetics . London : Rowman & Littlefield International . Foucault , Michel . 1972 . The Archaeology of Knowledge . London
Waria che’ installation: they unveiled another history, challenging with other materialities – smaller or simpler ones, belonging to everyday common objects – the monumentality of the square. The scene of Santiago Waria later set in the square, featuring a dialogue between a Mapuche guide giving decolonial tours of the site and an upper-class passerby questioning his account, is built on these objects and the (in)visible stories they entail, the struggles for memory, and the possibility of an
modernization in the region as expressed by influential authors. 61 Two of these tendencies we have discussed already. The first concerns the critique of modernity implied by perspectives on the “coloniality of power” and “decolonial knowledge.” The second involves recent work on Latin America and the Caribbean that has provided fresh meanings to discussions of the magic/insanity of capitalism and colonialism
Jack Goody and de-colonial historians. Integration of pre-modern global connections remains as yet more the domain of world history and economic history than civilisational analysis (Inglis, 2010), a matter of great challenge to the latter. How could comparative and historical sociology offer more to a reconstruction of connected early modernities? Arnason’s entreaty to civilisational analysis to emphasise agency and the historical and dynamic nature of civilisations itself foregrounds the entanglements of civilisations (Knöbl, 2006a). Nelson and Arnason
occurred at the same time that settler colonialism and Atlantic slavery began, and European trading companies (not only the best known, like the British and Dutch East India Companies, but also those as short-lived as Courland's (Dzenovska 2013 )) were expanding colonial power, a comparative history of empire might ask how far Habsburg or Ottoman imperialisms were informed by the notions fuelling Spanish, Portuguese, British, French, Dutch, Danish or Swedish colonial power overseas. Such questions, essential for decolonial longue-durée perspectives on south-east Europe