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Harold Wilson and Lyndon B. Johnson: a ‘special relationship’?

this field, and, as Kennedy’s vice-president (1961–63), he made numerous trips abroad. However, with his vision of creating a ‘Great Society’ – helping to heal the racial divide and to eradicate poverty – the President was more interested in domestic politics than international affairs, and certainly had little commitment to close ties with London. As a Foreign Office analysis noted in May 1965, Johnson did not have ‘any

in A ‘special relationship’?
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Republic to approach rearmament in a way that would clearly limit the size and remit of the Bundeswehr. Berger’s mobilisation of political–military culture is accompanied by an elaborate conceptualisation of how this culture impacts on behaviour. He seeks to avoid the problems of tautology and to this end sees that a political–military culture influences policy in a number of ways: by supplying the goals and norms of political actors; by determining how actors perceive the domestic political environment; by influencing actor’s assessments of the international environment

in Germany and the use of force
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manage the international effects of the Great Society (LW15: 204). As such, Dewey declared that:  … the responsibility now placed upon us is that of creating the intellectual and moral attitudes that will support institutions, international and domestic, political, educational and cultural, that correspond to the physical revolution which has taken place; and whose consequences are so largely negative just because of the absence of corresponding institutional change. (LW17: 456)9 This fact became all the more poignant in the light of the unprecedented destructiveness

in John Dewey
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11 September 2001, to the tradition begun with Woodrow Wilson in 1917 of articulating a distinct global role for the United States, one rooted in the beliefs valued in domestic politics. The cornerstone of the Bush administration’s approach is a war against global terrorism and the states that support terrorist activity. Bush has specified an ‘axis of evil’ aligned aggressively against Western democracy. On 20 September 2001 he told Congress that every country fell into one of two camps: ‘either you are with us [the US] or you are with the terrorist’. Citing values

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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concerns dealt principally with voter choice (overwhelmingly, the extent to which choice was based upon ethnicity), voter turnout (notably whether regime restrictions on political competition increased voter dissatisfaction or political alienation), and political participation (the role of elections in legitimating regimes and/or entrenching their domestic political control). These issues still retained some prominence, but in the 1990s analysts became more concerned to locate elections in the context of contemporary ‘transition theory’ – in turn heavily influenced by O

in Democratization through the looking-glass

important as the system level in shaping state behaviour. Pluralism’s 4 problematising of the state points to how far realism’s assumption of cohesive units pursuing agreed ‘national interests’ can be misleading in a region where states have been fragmented and permeable: whether states become such ‘rational actors’ is, in fact, highly contingent on a process of state formation that is very much incomplete. The consequent importance of analysing state formation, domestic politics and leadership world views makes the pluralist method of disaggregating the state

in The international politics of the Middle East
Between international relations and European studies

to make theoretical claims from analyses of either CFSP or its predecessor EPC have employed domestic politics models (Bulmer 1983 ; Holland 1987 ). In sum, the field of study in EPC/CFSP has been dominated by empirical accounts of decision-making, policy-making and regional or issue-based case studies. Only infrequently are such accounts grounded in an explicit theoretical framework and even then such analyses are, more often

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Structuring self-made offers and demands

, pp. 8–14. See e.g. Tanja Börzel and Thomas Risse, ‘When Europe Hits Home: Europeanisation and Domestic Change’, in: European Integration online Papers, No. 15/2000 http://eiop.or.at/eiop/texte/2000–015.htm; Simon Bulmer, ‘Domestic Politics and EC Policy-Making’, in: Journal of Common Market Studies, No. 4/1994, pp. 349–363; Werner Feld, ‘Two-Tier Policy-Making in the EC: The Common Agricultural Policy’, in: Leon 2444Ch2 3/12/02 2:02 pm Page 57 The European Union matters 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 57 Hurwitz (ed.), Contemporary Perspectives on European

in Fifteen into one?

posture. However, his claim to David Bruce, US Ambassador, that he needed to see Johnson to deal with Labour Party criticisms over Vietnam did not impress the Americans. They disliked the idea of foreign politicians visiting Washington for patently domestic-political reasons, and so denied Wilson his hoped-for transatlantic excursion. The White House knew that only a large bail-out might save sterling, but Britain’s prior cuts

in A ‘special relationship’?
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Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

arguably, this had a limited impact during the period that internationals continued to constitute a majority on all panels and boards (Riinvest, 2007). Furthermore, despite its illegality, municipalities have continuously tried to appoint directors of their choosing to manage SOEs, and have at times expropriated SOEs’ land and assets for their own use (KTA, 2006a, 2005f). Eyre and Wittowsky, both of whom worked for Pillar IV in Kosovo, provide several examples of cases where domestic political competition erupted within SOEs and POEs, in some instances involving

in Building a peace economy?