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Peter D.G. Thomas

base in the Commons. In the four sessions from 1771 to 1774 the opposition did not even force a Lords vote on the Address, and the Rockinghamite party made the best of a bad job by exploiting the procedural device of printed Protests against Lords decisions, using them as a vehicle for press portrayals of opposition viewpoints. The House of Lords was again a mere sounding-board. The contrasting independence of the House of Commons stemmed from the electoral system. The electorate was beyond the control of government, and not merely because of its size, for which 300

in George III
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

. Moreover, this mechanism is also likely to be conditioned by other factors, such as electoral systems. For example, electoral systems based on proportional representation are more likely to increase sensitivity to ‘green’ social demand than are ‘winner-takes-all’ systems. This is so for at least two reasons. First, ‘green parties’ stand a better chance of being represented. Second, many small political parties are more likely to absorb new demands than few and large political parties. 2 Ten to fifteen years ago, a concern for research economy would have been a strong

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

. At its height it never returned even one MP (partly, of course, due to the British electoral system, but mainly because of its unpalatable political views). In 1967, however, the National Front (NF) was formed. It purveyed a strongly anti-immigrant policy, rather than the anti-Semitism of the BUF. Itself an amalgam of a complex grouping of tiny racist parties, the National Front was riven by dissension and splits, and although it caused something

in Understanding political ideas and movements
The origins of the Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54
Neil Macmaster

challenge by close police surveillance of the new women’s organisations, and by careful structuring of the Algerian electoral system and ‘representative’ institutions so as to totally exclude Muslim women. This containment, which was symptomatic of the overall blockage of reform by settler interests intent on preserving their domination, helped drive the nationalists from a reformist towards a revolutionary solution. The failure of reform through the decade 1944–54 enables us to see how the military-led programme of emancipation after 1954, examined in M1822 - MACMASTER

in Burning the veil
Open Access (free)
Jocelyn A. J. Evans

second. Third, on the rare occasion that French parties do get their act together, the results are usually beneficial. The combined RPR–UDF lists of 1986 would have won an even greater victory had a majoritarian electoral system been in place. In 1997, the cohesion of the gauche plurielle at least Conclusion 195 in terms of candidates provided a newly humble alternative to the disasters of four years previously that could capitalise on the right’s unpopularity. Similarly in 2002, the UMP behind the newly incumbent president presented the possibility of an effective

in The French party system
The Ecuadorian experience
Silvia Vega Ugalde

place through a new electoral system which considerably restricted the participation of minorities, and in which a law requiring quotas for women was only partially applied.6 Women accounted for 10 per cent of Assembly representatives. CPME came up with the slogan ‘Women in the Assembly with their own voice’ and actively supported women candidates. During the campaign, CPME held workshops in provinces for the discussion of proposals to be presented to the Constitutional Assembly, and worked with CONAMU and other women’s organizations for a number of months in

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Gurharpal Singh

potency of indigenous knowledge systems and to structure political institutions accordingly – the state, representative institutions, electoral systems – is the root cause of social and political dissonance, of schizoid political cultures that mimic modernity while exuding xenophobic fundamentalisms. Constraints on democratization in South Asia There is little doubt that today democratization in South Asia has become a multifaceted process that is both deepening in its form and extending across the region. Even when there have been recent reversals, as in Pakistan

in Democratization through the looking-glass
From the ‘militant’ to an ‘immunised’ route?
Ami Pedahzur

and the status of the ‘pro-democratic civil society’. Political parties From the institutional level of analysis, I look first at the paths chosen by the different states in response to extremist parties. However, before discussing the administrative and legal barriers imposed by democracies on extremist parties, another latent structural barrier, i.e. the electoral system – discussed in chapter 1 – should be clarified. The electoral system was not intended to block extremist parties from gaining representation. However

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
Andrew Knapp

-Gaullist moderate right – local notables for the conservatives, local notables plus Catholic associative networks for the Christian democrats. For Gaullists, ‘we’re a real party, with real activists’, as one member said; ‘the UDF is a country club’.1 From the Gaullist movement to the president’s party 123 UDF notables, on the other hand, described the Gaullists’ modus operandi as fascisante (Frémontier, 1984: 180–1). Lastly, the right was also predictably divided by presidential rivalries under the two-ballot electoral system. First-ballot competition need not damage the

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement
Hilary Pilkington

support for such parties2 in the UK did not rise above 1 per cent until 2010–12; even then, at 1.8 per cent, support remained well below that in neighbouring countries such as France (13.6 per cent) and The Netherlands (12.7 per cent) (Minkenberg, 2013: 20). The reasons for this are explored in more nuanced ways by others (see Goodwin, 2011a) but might be summarised as resulting from a combination of: the first-past-the-post electoral system, which significantly reduces the incentive to vote for candidates with little chance of securing victory in a given constituency

in Loud and proud