Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war

of ‘barbarism’ signify? Jospin as well as Cook defined ‘barbarism’ as a lapse into the ‘Europe of the past’. In 1999, the West had become used to the construct of the Second World War as the close of its past barbarity, a barbarity now left behind by the civilising process. 48 The Second World War had brought out the evil of human society in the shape of fascism, and the West had

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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Piercing the politics of silencing

system, and ‘you can’t have democracy and socialism’. However, there is no support for fascism among mainstream respondents (two respondents explicitly denounce it) and even one of the Infidels respondents makes a point of distancing himself from fascism since it is rooted in ‘national capitalism’ rather than National Socialism (Nick). Mainstream EDL rhetoric at grassroots level is thus almost completely devoid of any vision of an alternative to democratic governance. This might be anticipated given the concerns among respondents, and the leadership of the movement, to

in Loud and proud
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The daily work of Erich Muhsfeldt, chief of the crematorium at Majdanek concentration and extermination camp, 1942–44

subordinate male and female security staff. K. Orth, Die Konzentrationslager-SS: Sozialstrukturelle Analysen und biographische Studien (The Concentration Camp SS: Socio-structural Analyses and Biographical Studies) (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2000). A. Lüdtke, Eigen-Sinn: Fabrikalltag, Arbeitererfahrung und Politik vom Kaiserreich bis in den Faschismus (Self-Will: Daily Factory Work, Workers’ Experience and the Politics of the German Empire up until Fascism) (Hamburg: Ergebnisse Verlag, 1993), p. 15; A. Lüdtke, ‘“German work” and “German workers”: the impact of symbols on

in Destruction and human remains
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forms of government are described as ‘democratic’. For example, Adolf Hitler called the Third Reich ‘The German democracy, which is the true democracy’. Benito Mussolini described Italian Fascism as ‘the purest form of democracy’. Communist regimes call themselves ‘people’s democracies’. Most dictatorships in the developing world claim to be ‘democratic’. Finally, our own political system is called a

in Understanding political ideas and movements

Croatia and Yugoslavia These different ideologies remained after Croatia entered the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The question now though was not one of how Croatia should relate to Hungary but how it should relate to Serbia. The first forty years of the twentieth century also added two new national ideologies that made the task of unifying them in the 1990s all the more problematic. These were the powerful and diametrically opposed ideologies of fascism and communism. Despite these developments, the main debates about Croatian national identity in the early

in The formation of Croatian national identity

), ‘Croatian Communist Gulag’, ‘Falian strategy of Tuœman the warrior’ (taking up three pages) and ‘best’ (describing this as the HDZ).4 A reviewer in the Feral Tribune noted the exclusions from the new Croatian political lexicography. The words ‘fascism’, ‘antifascism’, ‘Usta°a’ and ‘Ante Paveliç’ were not to be found.5 Tuœman, the good shepherd of the Croatian nation, also became its most significant historical figure. In a book of Croatian ‘heroes’ published by the Ministry of Defence, the medieval kings received three pages between them, Starïeviç received eight pages

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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Pleasantville and the textuality of media memory

conservative standpoint, left-wing ‘feminazis’ and other ‘Visigoths in tweed’ had come to police cultural value and personal behaviour, representing nothing short of an emergent ‘totalitarianism’ or ‘McCarthyism’ of the left. The language of fascism infused the standard bromides emanating from the cultural right. Pleasantville replayed these fascist and McCarthyite invocations

in Memory and popular film
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Ezra Pound

thing from where it was to where it was needed. ‘Distribution’ in Pound thus came to be stained, like so much else, by his enthusiasm for Fascism, the stain running through this poetry, from The Cantos back. Making things available had long since been axiomatic to Pound. When he argued, in Howto Read, that when ‘the application of word to thing goes rotten ... the whole machinery of social and of individual thought and order goes to pot,’ he was amplifying the claim he had made in ‘I gather the Limbs of Osiris’ that ‘it is not until poetry lives again “close to the

in Enthusiast!
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Sartori’s famous ladder of abstraction (Sartori 1970). At the bottom of that ladder one would find the most demanding concepts like fascism and National Socialism, which generally include the five features of right-wing extremism as well as some additional features. Though some of these additional features are of an ideological nature, such as ‘palingenesis’ (Griffin 1995) or a ‘Third Way’ (Eatwell 1995), most refer to forms of political organisation or style (e.g. Payne 1995). In either case, the term fascism offers no way out, introducing either even more demanding or

in The ideology of the extreme right
From Parliamentary Socialism to ‘Bennism’

crucial role in upholding West European capitalism. In fact, he argued that the USA had effectively replaced fascism as the established order’s guarantor against any threat from the Left – and viewed the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in this light. As a result, like many on the party’s Left, Miliband saw Labour ending its close association with Washington as a pre-requisite for building socialism in Britain. A second feature of Miliband’s broader analysis was his rejection of Gaitskell’s ‘revisionist’ argument – most openly articulated by Anthony Crosland in The

in Interpreting the Labour Party