transformation of Croatia into an ethnically homogenized state, and in doing
so initially accepted the violent actions of Ustaša militias. What the
Germans did not foresee was that, within a very short period, the
violent acts of the Ustaša would set in motion a bloody civil war,
marking the beginning of both effective opposition and massive
counter-violence. The mistakes of German occupation policies and
the ravages of the Ustaša transformed the Serbian resistance, and
above all the Communist partisans, into successful movements.
What had begun as unilateral massviolence on
The bodyand counter-revolutionary warfare inapartheid South Africa
, massviolence and the exiled
and secret selves of a citizen-killer’, Public Culture, 22:1 (2010), 127–47,
at pp. 144–5.
Mbembe, ‘Necropolitics’, p. 11.
Ibid., p. 25.
Included in documents associated with South Africa’s chemical and
biological warfare (CBW) programme were records of experiments
into restricting the fertility of black people, as well as of contact with a
British scientist regarding the development of a toxin that would target
black people only. Also see Marlene Burger & Chandre Gould, Secrets
and Lies (Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2002).
See Rousseau, ‘The
Forensic and archaeological approaches to locating the remains of Holocaust victims
Caroline Sturdy Colls
and massviolence in Argentina,
the former Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Rwanda and Iraq in particular have
seen the development of sophisticated search and recovery methodologies.6 The evidence collected and examined by forensic archaeologists and anthropologists has been used in court to ensure that
perpetrators are held accountable and in a humanitarian context in
order to satisfy the needs of families and friends of victims wishing to know the fate of their loved ones. Likewise, in some countries (such as the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United
Rumours of bones and the remembrance of an exterminated people in Newfoundland - the emotive immateriality of human remains
this problem by re-establishing its presence by
undertaking a form of archival exhumation, a sort of historiographic
disinterment in which the unseen body is once again brought into
visibility thanks to the persistence of the researcher. Those of us who
are concerned with the political lives of dead bodies perhaps tend to
overly focus on these processes of unearthing in which the dead are
made present in the (re)appearance of their mortal remains, either
as they are undertaken by others, particularly in the exhumation
of histories of massviolence, or by ourselves
(ICTR),40 has become one of the main
instruments of the violence committed by armed militias in the
Democratic Republic of Congo. As well as rape, however, a whole
range of violent practices originating in specific mass crimes seem
to have been exported throughout the Great Lakes region. Gaining
an understanding of this process of migration of knowledge and
techniques of violence is thus a priority for researchers working on
the status of bodies in situations of massviolence.
J.-P. Chrétien, Le Défi de l’ethnisme: Rwanda et Burundi, 1990–
1996 (Paris: Karthala
Earth, fire, water: or how to make the
Armenian corpses disappear 1
Raymond H. Kévorkian
In the planning of massviolence, the logistical aspects of the
elimination of the corpses of victims have almost as important a
place as the executions themselves. The massviolence committed by
the Young Turk regime against the Ottoman Armenian population
has sometimes hinted at improvisation, but works published in
recent years have shown that the destruction of Armenians (and
Syrians) had been organized with far more care than one might
have imagined, including the
.’5 For Hopkins, while Gowther is partly
‘Everyman, who has inherited Original Sin’, the devil’s paternity is
also emphatically literal: it causes Gowther to pursue a campaign of
massviolence against the church and anyone in orders, thereby
‘performing a specific task at the orders of his father, the Devil’.6
It is curious that willingness to countenance symbolic meanings in
the religious domain has not been complemented by much willingness
to consider them in the social domain. In fact, the ‘symbolic’ value of
the fiend’s paternity as interpreted by Bradstock and
post-war issue of exhumations but also for rulings relating to life and
death, and questions arising during the Holocaust itself. Interestingly,
the agreement on the methodological form of argumentation did not
mean that the rulings were identical.
18 The research and the collection of this material was financed by the generous funding of the research programme ‘Corpses of MassViolence
and Genocide’, funded by the European Research Council.
19 Y. Chazani, ‘Bringing bones from the diaspora’, in Zomet Institute (ed.),
Tchumin, vol. 13 (Gush Etzion
reference to forms of massviolence in which
numerous people are eliminated due to their ideology or political
opinion, was discussed in W. H. Moore, ‘Repression and dissent:
substitution, context, and timing’, American Journal of Political Science,
42:3 (1998), 851–73; G. Sjoberg, E. Gill, N. Williams & K. E. Kuhn,
‘Ethics, human rights and sociological inquiry: genocide, politicide
and other issues of organizational power’, American Sociologist, 26:1
(spring 1995), 8–19.
This theme has been treated in several analytical works: E. Abrahamian,
The violent pursuit of cultural sovereignty during authoritarian rule in Argentina
Antonius C.G.M. Robben
Robben, A. C. G. M., 2005, Political Violence and Trauma in Argentina
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press).
Robben, A. C. G. M., 2010, ‘Testimonies, Truths, and Transitions of Justice
in Argentina and Chile’, in Alexander Laban Hinton (ed.), Transitional
Justice: Global Mechanisms and Local Realities after Genocide and MassViolence, pp. 179–205 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press).
Scarry, E., 1985, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World
(New York: Oxford University Press).
Seoane, M. and V. Muleiro, 2001, El Dictador