declares that all subjects are equal, in fact there are three distinct classifications of ‘federal subject’ in the document. First, the twenty-one ethnically based republics which are classified as nationalstate formations. Second, krai and oblasts, which are classified as FAD3 10/17/2002 5:42 PM Page 35 Federalism and constitutional asymmetry 35 administrative–territorial formations; and third, autonomous oblasts and autonomous okrugs defined as national-territorial formations.21 Only the republics are defined as ‘states’ with the right to their own

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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Britain’s relations with the wider Muslim world, which were extensive due to its Commonwealth connections. As Britain was unable to resolve the conflict, and its recommendation for a bi-national state had been rejected, it returned its mandate to the UN in 1947. The UN recommended the partition of Palestine between the Palestinians and the Jews, but both groups also rejected this proposal. Britain withdrew its troops on 14 May 1948, leaving the Jews and the Arabs to settle the matter themselves.31 David Ben-Gurion immediately declared Israel’s independence under his

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
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Roman ‘tyranny’ and radical Catholic opposition

great deal to the eventual defeat of French and native anticlerical republicanism, and the fear of restoration sovereigns that any reforming movement might prove detrimental to the security of their own newly restored regimes. Only when the polycentric nature of the peninsula was itself ‘reformed’ by the Risorgimento (despite the best efforts of extra-peninsula power to maintain papal independence), and competing princely interests were subordinated to the Italian national state, was it politically possible to dismantle papal temporal power decisively. Even then

in The Enlightenment and religion
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The European transformation of the French model

desperate attempts of state actors to teach lobbying techniques that can make French actors more suited to multi-level networking. On the other hand there has been a manifest strengthening of governmental coercion of the two players that have gained new influence through direct access points provided by the Union: the national courts and the regions. It is not at all accidental that the central state explicitly interposes itself as a gatekeeper in the two domains where EU players tend to bypass the national state as a relevant actor. As a result of this, reform processes

in Fifteen into one?

over general national state interests. Why is this so? 114 Stability in Dagestan but not in Chechnya? In Dagestan, political practice bears witness to the fact that although people do not stop talking about nationalities they have, as a rule, become of secondary importance or have completely lost their importance when it comes to the solution of serious problems. For example, popular leaders of national movements, whose mass authority is based on the clear expression of historical and contemporary grievances, and the needs and demands of their respective nationality

in Potentials of disorder

. 473–91; Scurla, Wilhelm von Humboldt, pp. 608–09. 44 Humboldt and the modern German university what they have in common is an interest in how an academic vision, sprung from revolutionary or even utopian dreams, hardened into conservative ideology and Prussian ideas about the national state. These historiographies feature variations on the theme of a slow farewell to the original ideals.43 Other scholars construct a more complex balance sheet. In the new history of the university at Unter den Linden, two of the main authors, Heinz-Elmar Tenorth and Charles E

in Humboldt and the modern German university
From universalisation to relativism

member of the family of nations. What is intrinsic to each form of antisemitism, common to both is the notion of discrimination. It has simply passed from the realm of discrimination against Jews as individuals to discrimination against Jews as a collectivity, against Jewish peoplehood.47 Thus the Jewish people, according to Cotler and others, have come to define themselves in relation to their national state, and the State emerges as unique because its founding people, their history, and their sufferings, are unique. However, this type of association has a direct

in Balkan holocausts?
The restructuring of work in Britain

firms are able to exit Britain (Watson and Hay, 1998), become depoliticised through the exercise of constructing distance between global Amoore_Global_04_Ch3 72 6/19/02, 12:18 PM Producing hyperflexibility: work in Britain 73 economy and national state-society. In effect, the governmentality of an environment to attract FDI is positioned as a legitimate realm of political intervention, while the withdrawal and closure of plants is positioned in the ‘other’ realm of the global economy. The second face of the dominant British representation of globalisation is one

in Globalisation contested
The Moslem question in Bosnia-Hercegovina

wrongs of history, to join former national lands and people to an enlarged national state. Kečmanović’s themes of ‘watershed’ and ‘turning-point’ are useful here.10 Both of these types of myth suggest a change in the historical destiny of the nation, when the nation is at last able to correct the injustices of the past. In this case, the historic injustice was the conversion of Serbs, or Croats, to Islam, and the loss of these people and their lands. Denouncing constructed nationalism and Islam While their nationalism was publicly denounced, Bosnian Moslems did

in Balkan holocausts?
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The international system and the Middle East

by the modernisers, it was no substitute for identification with the Islamic umma . Ultimately, the Young Turk elite turned to linguistic-based nationalism – Turkification – but this was incompatible with a multi-national state and, fatally, it split the two main – and predominately Muslim – peoples of the empire, the Arabs and Turks. This allowed the British to engineer the World War I Arab revolt that contributed to the collapse of the empire (Ahmad 1993: 23–45; Bromley 1994: 53–5; Brown 1984: 21–81; Keyder 1987: 25–69; Mansfield 1991: 35–84, 114–35, 149

in The international politics of the Middle East