Open Access (free)
Vaccine policy and production in Japan
Julia Yongue

financed through sales of sera and vaccines. The dispute led to the establishment of the Kitasato Institute as a wholly private entity. In 1947 during the US occupation, IID underwent yet another major organisational change. The end result was the creation of a new national institute of infectious diseases with an organisational model similar to that of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) in the United States. Although the Supreme Commander for

in The politics of vaccination
Daughters of the Empire, mothers in their own homes, 1929–45
Katie Pickles

recognized by the IODE. In her book Canadian Women in the War Effort , Charlotte Whitton wrote of women’s home responsibilities: ‘These responsibilities had – and still have – a value, in the national economy, of millions of dollars in the “non-gainful” occupation of hundreds of thousands of Canadian homemakers whose inability so to keep the gears of home life meshing would mean the complete collapse of

in Female imperialism and national identity
Duncan Wilson

‘common link’ who facilitated debates between ‘experts in different disciplines and from different occupations’. This was especially the case for discussions of medical and biological research, which Ramsey considered to be the major source of ‘frontier problems’ in the 1960s and 1970s.65 Throughout the 1960s this belief led Ramsey to extend his work with the Church of England reports and play a ‘prominent part’ in efforts to promote collaboration between doctors, scientists, the clergy and others in a range of settings.66 During 1962 and 1963, for instance, he was on a

in The making of British bioethics
Open Access (free)
The Second World War and the Balkan Historikerstreit
David Bruce MacDonald

their ability to present national history as one of righteous struggle against persecution. For both Serbs and Croats, the revision of the history of the Second World War provided a wealth of myths of heroism and persecution. Continual portrayals of enemies as either Četniks or Ustaša, as well as constant references to Second World War atrocities as precursors of events in the 1990s, demonstrated the centrality of German and Italian occupation to contemporary conceptions of national identity. The preceding two chapters examined how pre-twentieth-century history was

in Balkan holocausts?
Open Access (free)
Edward M. Spiers

Gladstone’s Government consolidated victory at Tel-el-Kebir by establishing a temporary military occupation of Egypt (both to protect the Suez Canal and to preserve internal order in Egypt). Given the minimal size of the army of occupation, the arrangement worked conveniently within Egypt but difficulties soon arose when Egypt, on behalf of the Porte, sought to crush the

in The Victorian soldier in Africa
Open Access (free)
Edward M. Spiers

After the costly failure of the Gordon relief expedition, successive British governments retained only a small army of occupation in Egypt and withdrew forces from the southern frontier, the defence of which was left increasingly to the Egyptian Army. The latter was reformed and trained by a cadre of British officers and NCOs and was periodically supported by British units, notably a

in The Victorian soldier in Africa
Arthur B. Gunlicks

chap 3 27/5/03 11:53 am Page 81 3 Administrative structures in Germany Administration after 1945 To some extent the Allies, especially the British,1 tried after the war to break older administrative traditions in Germany, but the Americans and French looked for guidance at the pre-Nazi administrative structures in their occupation zones. Nineteenth-century organizational structures were largely reinstated under the formula, “a new beginning, but not a fundamentally new organization.”2 But there was a focus on localizing administration, in part as a

in The Länder and German federalism
James E. Connolly

31 Part I ‘Misconduct’ and disunity This first part of the book considers French behaviours under occupation that challenge the narrative of dignified suffering and patriotism.1 There is a temptation simply to label such behaviours ‘collaboration’, as certain historians have done.2 I believe that this should be avoided. Only very few members of the occupied population used the word in a negative sense,3 making its use anachronistic –​although anachronistic terms can still be useful to historians. Yet the term is too associated in French cultural and historical

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
James E. Connolly

17 Part II Popular patriotism and resistance avant la majuscule The experience of occupation in the Nord involved more than misconduct, crime and disunity. The spectrum of possible behaviour, while more restricted than in peacetime, still allowed for choices to be made. Indeed, precisely because actions were limited, the consequences of every decision were exemplified and exaggerated. The Manichean judgements of the dominant occupied culture placed those engaging in misconduct on one side of the spectrum and ‘patriots’ and those opposing the occupiers on the

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.