Kosovo and the Balkanisation–integration nexus
Peter van Ham

the political unit: the sovereign state. But, unfortunately for realists’ peace of mind, the contemporary European political theatre does not follow the established script of security– sovereignty written by political realism. Offhand and ad lib performances by other (f )actors have turned this European stage in a politically surreal territory in which the ontological givens of modernity have become

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Pertti Joenniemi

; it is historically constructed and (therefore) variable. War is an essential part of an international system dominated by states whose sovereignty is (or has been) the prime constitutive principle. War’s historically variable modes of performance are closely linked to the nature of the political system itself, whereas war has also been constitutive of the political framework in which the performance

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
M. Anne Brown

, rather than investigated. Certain powerful accounts of sovereignty seem to be the primary hinge around which the terms of the debate between universalism and relativism turn. As suggested in chapter 2 , the early modern accounts of political possibility that helped to conceptualise the development of the Westphalian order may not have so much replaced the universalism of Christendom with the particularism of the state system as they have provided a new way of articulating – together – both universal and particular. The state and the power of the

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
A European fin de siècle
Sergei Medvedev

Westphalian principle of sovereignty – originally created by monarchs to ensure their position against popular movements, and systematically (mis)used by rulers against their own subjects – is being eroded. In fact, the Weberian principle of the state as possessing a legitimate monopoly on violence seems to be failing. Sovereigns no longer hold this monopoly: it now belongs to the international community. The

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Corpse, bodypolitics and contestation in contemporary Guatemala
Ninna Nyberg Sørensen

11 Governing through the mutilated female body: corpse, bodypolitics and contestation in contemporary Guatemala1 Ninna Nyberg Sørensen Introduction This chapter examines the brutal killing of women in post-war Guatemala, the interpretations that these murders engender and the place of the dead bodies in the country’s contestations over sovereignty. It grows out of having lived and worked (with other issues) in the country 2005–9 and by being horror-struck by Guatemala’s ever present perverse blend of beauty and terror: The breath-taking range of landscapes

in Governing the dead
Amikam Nachmani

, seeking to encircle it east and west. Not content with having a huge state, which already dwarfs Greece in the east, Turkey, Greece accuses, with Muslim connivance, schemes to do the same in the west. A host of issues divide Greece and Turkey, many of which center on questions of territorial and maritime sovereignty. Turkey, for example, has threatened to go to war if Greece dare to expand its Aegean islands’ territorial waters from 6 to 12 miles. In 1996, the Turkish Prime Minister, Tansu Ciller, pronounced 3,000 islands and islets in the Aegean, Turkish territory

in Turkey: facing a new millennium
A visual analysis of four frames of representation of ‘refugeeness’ in Swedish newspapers
Jelena Jovičić

frames: securitization – refugee bodies amassed and posing threats to destabilize sovereignty of the ‘nation state’ (see also 110 Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies chapter 3); victimization – refugee bodies as voiceless victims caught in suffering; humanization – private portraits of people fleeing depicted as complex individuals and active political subjects; and reception – images of refugees being welcomed and living in Sweden. These frames were established in a deductive manner – they arose from the images studied, yet they are partly in line

in Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe
Rhiannon Vickers

-war settlement needed to include international economic planning, for the world was ‘a single economic unit’. This needed to be combined with the establishment of an international organisation ‘possessing many powers hitherto exercised by a competing anarchy of national sovereignties’.72 The party focused on outlining Labour’s policies for after the war, setting up a committee to study the problems of post-war reconstruction on 6 August 1941, and drawing up Labour’s blueprint for the post-war international order. In the spring of 1942, the NEC issued an interim report on The

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
Open Access (free)
Emilio Santoro

poverty by western states as the paradoxical outcome of their weakened capacity for social intervention due to the erosion of their political sovereignty by global pressures. The marked expansion of social control and the barbarity of its methods ultimately result from an ideology that champions the omnipotence of global markets. This chapter explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies

in Political concepts
David Owen

Rainer Bauböck's work on popular sovereignty, citizenship and the demos problem is an important touchstone for contemporary political, and especially democratic, theory. Grounded in attention to both the theoretical and empirical circumstances of individual and collective political agency, Bauböck offers a highly sophisticated and, in many ways, compelling approach to thinking through the philosophical and political

in Democratic inclusion