environmental regulations is a central element for ExxonMobil. It is a stated policy for the corporation to work with government and industry groups to 2543Chap3 16/7/03 46 9:58 am Page 46 Climate change and the oil industry develop environmental laws and regulations that are ‘based on sound science’. Thus, ExxonMobil also places a strong emphasis on its own research competence, operating with a stated policy to ‘conduct and support research to improve understanding of the impact of its business on the environment, to improve methods of environmental protection, and to
’s health constitutes a violation of women’s right to health and right to reproductive health. From the analysis in chapter 1, the notion of VAWH can encapsulate both a vertical and a horizontal dimension of violence, namely the interpersonal dimension between individuals and an institutional one, which is characterised by laws and policies in the field of health. VAW always violates a woman’s rights to health and to reproductive health. At the same time, state policies and laws in the field of health, such as the criminalisation of abortion (as showed in chapter 1
either modify industrialism or to find a radical economic alternative to it. Reformists have been more concerned to use traditional or more orthodox tools of law and state policy to control industrialism. However, do green ideas fundamentally change the character of political theorising? The radical response to this question is that mainstream political theory is rooted in certain beliefs which are totally antithetical to
Russian environmental legislation is that it foresees an increase in the role of regional authorities in environmental management. As we saw in Chapter 3, according to the 1993 Constitution this area of politics is the joint responsibility of the federal and regional level. The 1997 bilateral agreement on the sharing of responsibility between the Government of the Russian Federation and Murmansk Oblast (Murmansk Oblast 1997a, Article 2) states that the federal level is responsible for conducting a uniform state policy in the area of environmental protection (including
Esping-Andersen’s typology and identifies it as an East Asian regime for which ‘social policy is strictly subordinate to the overriding policy objective of economic growth’. He therefore interprets productivism as the subordination of ‘state policy’ to economic growth, a subordination that even liberal and conservative systems avoid. Yet this is too narrow a conception of productivism, since economic growth is everywhere the sine qua non of social policy and although welfare states may differ in the degree of subordination they embody, none has sought to invert it
Revolution, 1891–1924 (London: Pimlico, 1997 [1996]); Sheila Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution, 3rd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). On the New Economic Policy of 1921, see: Chris Ward, Russia’s Cotton Workers and the New Economic Policy: Shop Floor Culture and State Policy, 1921–1929 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 51 Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution: 1. See also: Figes, A People’s Tragedy. 52 Britnieva, One Woman’s Story: 69. 53 Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution: 22. 54 ‘They had all committed the same crime, the crime of being
national development in Southeast Asia, its role in some ways has been ambivalent. This can be clearly seen in the colonial period. Education was a central way in which societies mobilized to challenge and resist European rulers. But on the other hand it has also been the central vehicle through which both colonial and post-colonial states have sought to impose their own visions and discipline their subjects. Education remains the locus of a range of state policy obsessions. But despite its grip on the formal sector, the state has never succeeded in dominating the
is actually far from extreme. In fact, it plays to a significant set of circulations that have become central to bordering practices in the UK and also connects up with many accepted narratives which have underpinned state policy towards grooming. Here the monstrousness of ISIS slides into the case of grooming in Rotherham through a continuum of racialised sexuality and violence. As a practice, the deprivation of citizenship binds together different monstrous bodies which blur the boundaries of colonial war from Syria and Somalia to Rotherham. They become linked
structures vary dramatically, with evidence of strong party politics in some, alongside problematic clientelistic relationships, power-wielding individuals, effectively functioning local democracies and committee structures, and competing traditional leadership in others. Comparisons also reveal the varied significance of city region, municipal authority and traditional leadership boundaries in shaping investment forms and the financial clout of investments, as well as the relationship between state policy (at different scales) and actual practices of
socially – beyond the term of their sentence. Clean Break In attending to the needs of women who have experience of the criminal justice system through its distinctive organisational practices, Clean Break addresses wider issues of gendered social inequality and gendered social injustice. It models an ambitious and enduring resistance to the critical lack of care – even ‘care-lessness’ – in state policy and cultural representations of criminalised women. Clean Break values ‘compassion, collaboration, respect and relationship-making’ (Perman, 2018 ) and this informs