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witchcraft in the western Netherlands, 1850–1925
Willem de Blécourt

Witch-Trials’, in Stuart Clark and Bengt Ankarloo (eds), Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1999), pp. 95–189, especially p. 106. 3 See Alf Lüdtke, The History of Everyday Life: Reconstructing Historical Experiences and Ways of Life (Princeton, 1995); Richard van Dülmen, Historische Anthropologie. Entwicklung. Probleme. Aufgaben

in Witchcraft Continued
Open Access (free)
Contested categories
Hans Peter Broedel

survive in Brixen’s episcopal archives; they have been partially edited by Hartmann Ammann, “Der Innsbrucker Hexenprocess von 1485,” Zeitschrift des Ferdinandeums für Tirol und Vorarlberg 34 (1890): 1–87. See also Eric Wilson, “Institoris at Innsbruck: Heinrich Institoris, the Summis Desiderantes and the Brixen Witch-Trial of 1485,” in R.W. Scribner and Trevor Johnson, eds., Popular Religion in Germany and Central Europe, 1400–1800 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996): 87–100. 2 “Pfie dich, du sneder minch, daz dich das fallend übel etc.” Ammann, “Innsbrucker

in The <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> and the construction of witchcraft
The Catholic challenge during the Thirty Years’ War
Alison Rowlands

, with an admonition or punishment of Margaretha for defamation in keeping with the more usual outcome of other Rothenburg witch-trials. At the very least, their consistent denials of any involvement in witchcraft in the absence of any other incriminating evidence against them would have rendered Margaretha’s story less credible and the authorities less confident in dealing with it, as they had been in 1587 in the face of Magdalena Gackstatt’s dogged refusal to admit that she had taken her son Hans to a witches’ dance.82 In their absence Ursula and Margaretha’s mother

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Open Access (free)
Katherine Aron-Beller

), 41–56. For studies on witchcraft trials, see Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture 1300–1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976); Carlo Ginzburg, The Night Battles,  Witchcraft and Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, trans. John and Anne Tedeschi (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983); Giovanni Romeo, Inquisitori, esorcisti e streghe nell’Italia della Controriforma (Florence: Sansoni, 1990); See also Ruth Martin, Witchcraft and the Inquisition in Venice 1550

in Jews on trial
Laura Stark

Suspicions of witchcraft in Finland did not die out with the witch trials. 1 Traditional forms of magic and sorcery 2 continued to be not only suspected, but also practised in the Finnish countryside some two hundred years after the last witchcraft prosecutions in Finland, if we are to believe dozens of eyewitness accounts from farmers and labourers in the early twentieth century. 3 Although

in Witchcraft Continued
Open Access (free)
The gendering of witchcraft
Lara Apps and Andrew Gow

of a word cannot, on its own, have caused the preponderance of men among those accused; although for the English-speaking world, the effects of the (implicitly) gendered word ‘witch’ on both the popular imagination and on scholarship should not be underestimated. The Icelandic witch trials of the seventeenth century, as in the Basque country studied by Henningsen, coincide with ‘a temporary syncretism

in Male witches in early modern Europe
The first child-witch in Rothenburg, 1587
Alison Rowlands

3 ‘One cannot … hope to obtain the slightest certainty from him’: the first child-witch in Rothenburg, 1587 It is, of course, only with the benefit of hindsight that we can draw conclusions about the relative restraint with which the council in Rothenburg treated witchcraft during the early modern period; this restraint was never a foregone conclusion in any particular witch-trial. The intricate web of factors which accounted for it could be tested to the limits in certain cases when an individual’s story of witchcraft and the manner in which the council chose

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Open Access (free)
Hans Peter Broedel

, as well as the ideas of both Protestant and Catholic writers of the next century. It was just this consensus that Institoris and Sprenger’s model of the demonic would provide. Notes 1 Jeffrey Burton Russell, Witchcraft in the Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), 102. 2 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials (Berkeley, University of California, 1976), 36. See also David Gentilcore, From Bishop to Witch (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 248. 3 For the late-medieval tendency “to grasp the transcendent by making it immanent,” see

in The <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> and the construction of witchcraft
Hans Peter Broedel

witchcraft were most widely accepted, women should not have been singled out for persecution. Susanna Burghartz has compared the witch-trials in Lucerne and nearby Lausanne during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, looking specifically for gender bias.13 In Lucerne, where witches were tried by the secular authorities, over 90 percent of those accused of witchcraft between 1398 and 1551 were women. Judges in this region had a quite rudimentary knowledge of contemporary demonology, and focused principally upon the concerns of the witnesses themselves, especially

in The <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> and the construction of witchcraft
Open Access (free)
Verbal offences on the streets of Modena
Katherine Aron-Beller

Lodovico Cattaneo, Domino Castalutio and Alfonso Lovolo. 64 See Chapter 2, page 63. 65 ASMoFIP 20 f.14 (11v). 66 Ibid. (12v). 67 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials, p. 79. 68 ASMoFIP 20 f.14 (1v). Most denunciations for cursing were reported almost immediately afterwards, while the curses were still clear in the mind of the delator. See for example, Ioly Zorattini, Processi, vol. VI, pp. 101–13, Trial against Benedetto, 1584. The delator Francesco Cali denounced the Jew a day after he had allegedly heard the Jew curse, as did the delators of the Christians

in Jews on trial