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Class cultures, the trade unions and the Labour Party

ITLP_C08.QXD 18/8/03 10:00 am Page 116 8 Ross McKibbin: class cultures, the trade unions and the Labour Party John Callaghan The work of the historian is always a complex and heterogeneous aggregate of theories, narrative, interpretation and analysis. Such originality as it possesses lies more often than not in the distinctive pattern which the historian gives to the components of his or her work, rather than the components themselves, many of which may be found elsewhere. The three books by Ross McKibbin which form the focus of this chapter raise

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’

political expression and that parties should be seen as attempting ‘to construct viable forms of social and political identity’. Schwarz (1998: 154) argues that ‘in part the job of politics is to speak to those whose social positions are widely divergent and to project an imaginary community in which the people would wish to imagine themselves’. Parties are not reactive, but active agents. Language is important in this, but so are political communication, internal and informal party culture, and how these define and construct a party’s audience – in short, political

in Interpreting the Labour Party

Croatia agitating for statehood before the 1990s. Nevertheless, Croatian nationalism, like its Serbian counterpart, was born of a sense of cultural submergence and political domination within Yugoslavia, and a perceived threat to Croatian language, culture, and religion. Nationalism came to the forefront in Yugoslavia during a period of decentralisation and liberalisation in the 1960s, when Tito was forced to tone down his hard-line policies on nationalism in return for Western loans. This opened a window of opportunity for a new generation of Croatian Communists, who

in Balkan holocausts?
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justification, that much of relevance to the study of key concepts and movements has been missed out of this book, things that are of greater concern and impact on society than the ‘tired, old’ ideas and movements discussed above. We believe that these ideas and movements are not out-dated, that they are still the main influences on modern politics, particularly in the Western world, as well as in other societies. This book concentrates

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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explains both how perceptions of a democratic deficit have arisen and why the EU’s legitimacy crisis of the last decade surprised many in positions of power. However, this culture of consensus usefully demonstrates that the EU must in fact balance different kinds of legitimacy and the demands of different groups of actors in order to be democratic. Thus, although the equilibrium between these different sources and types of legitimacy is clearly in need of revision, it is necessary to acknowledge that the approach itself – the instinct for balance – is both a reflection

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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, discussion on comparative government, identification of the structure and roles of parties and pressure groups in modern democracies, or even detailed discussions of the major thinkers and philosophers in the Western political tradition. Neither will they find a guide to the detailed policies of the major political movements in Britain and other liberal democracies. In liberal democracies there is a belief

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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Confronting relativism in Serbia and Croatia

the religious nature of their national identification. Religion seemingly imbued each side with primordial national characteristics – making the self appear more enlightened, democratic, noble, peace-loving, generous, and sacrificial. Religious faith was presented as the most basic form of national differentiation, influencing culture, traditions, language, and openness to the outside world. The clash between positive and progressive religions and backward and racist religions was seen to be at the W 251 2441Concl 16/10/02 8:06 am Page 252 Conclusions

in Balkan holocausts?
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its policies. Critics of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other international organizations such as the World Trade Organization have often equated these organizations’ policies with those of the United States. This tendency has encouraged simplistic explanations of Third World problems that blame the United States. Fourth, American culture is a continuing source of critique by Western intellectuals. Despite the huge success of American mass culture, a dichotomy endures abroad between elite hostility to American values and cultural products and

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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Albanian society and the quest for independence from statehood in Kosovo and Macedonia

to offer them. Albanian representatives were told by western diplomats they should make do with their status, while at the same time the SRJ was gradually redefined as a ‘rogue state’. This approach sought to seal a lid on the steam-pot rather than to diminish the heat: a recipe for an explosion. No strategy, not even a positive option existed for the Kosovo Albanians. For them gaining independence was the only plausible aim. The small political elite of Kosovo was badly prepared to meet these serious challenges. The Albanian communist establishment in Pristina

in Potentials of disorder
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democratization has assumed primacy in analysis of the continent’s condition since the early 1990s, but how that paradigm has become inextricably entangled with political and intellectual activism. Indeed, the urgency of democratization debates flows both from the desperate condition of the mass of Africa’s people and from the fact that, while on the one hand ‘democratization’ has in essence replaced Marxism as both explanatory device and panacea, it has on the other been appropriated as goal and tool by Western policy agendas. Democratization in Africa: the first wave Early

in Democratization through the looking-glass