the long history of this relationship; they were part of one of the
first post-Second World War audio-visual campaigns to promote a
humanitarian cause at a transnational level.
The Marshall Plan (MP) is the widely used term to describe
the European Recovery Program (ERP), that is the material aid that the
United States sent to the devastated economies of Western Europe to help
a whole at the time already provided more than half of world aid and, according to the Commission, was well
placed to influence the shape of international development policy. However,
the report continues, ‘by not always acting together in these institutions [the
IMF and World Bank] the member states and the Community frequently pass
the initiative to the US’ (CEC 1992: 41).
In 1992 the Treaty on European Union (TEU) for the first time set out the
EU development cooperation
objectives of a common European development policy as
Bureaucratic politics in EU aid – from the Lomé leap forward to the difficulties of adapting to the twenty-first century
Adrian Hewitt and Kaye Whiteman
The Commission and development policy:
bureaucratic politics in EU aid – from the
Lomé leap forward to the difficulties of
adapting to the twenty-first century
Adrian Hewitt and Kaye Whiteman
To integrate or to surpass the French neo-colonial system:
the Commission’s choice
From the time that a united Europe was a gleam in the eye of Jean Monnet to
the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957, the institution of the Commission
was central to the European idea. Rather than just a European civil service or
a think-tank, it was
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.
launch a military strike against the PKK bases in Greece. Visa exemptions for Greek tourists were abolished and NATO meetings between Turkish and Greek officers were held at junior levels only. Even Turkish businessmen refused to do business with Greece, and cancelled ongoing deals. Then, suddenly, within a few months everything changed. This time literally thanks to a cataclysmic event.
In August and September 1999 massive earthquakes hit both western Turkey and Athens. Greek and Turkish rescue missions instinctively rushed to each other’s aid
This collection interrogates the representation of humanitarian crisis and
catastrophe, and the refraction of humanitarian intervention and action, from
the mid-twentieth century to the present, across a diverse range of media forms:
traditional and contemporary screen media (film, television and online video) as
well as newspapers, memoirs, music festivals and social media platforms (such as
Facebook, YouTube and Flickr). The book thus explores the historical, cultural
and political contexts that have shaped the mediation of humanitarian
relationships since the middle of the twentieth century. Together, the chapters
illustrate the continuities and connections, as well as the differences, which
have characterised the mediatisation of both states of emergency and acts of
amelioration. The authors reveal and explore the significant synergies between
the humanitarian enterprise, the endeavour to alleviate the suffering of
particular groups, and media representations, and their modes of addressing and
appealing to specific publics. The chapters consider the ways in which media
texts, technologies and practices reflect and shape the shifting moral,
political, ethical, rhetorical, ideological and material dimensions of
international humanitarian emergency and intervention, and have become integral
to the changing relationships between organisations, institutions, governments,
individual actors and entire sectors.
of the region. This understanding of democratization relates
specifically to a programmatic agenda of state reform promoted by transnational actors and enforced via conditions
associated with foreign aid and, more recently, debt relief.
Donor-endorsed versions of democratization claim to be
grounded in a liberal notion of inalienable individual rights.
This encompasses, among other things: political pluralism
(the freedom to form political parties); free and regular elections; an unconstrained (and privately-owned) media; and
the separation of powers among the
This book critically examines the range of policies and programmes that attempt to manage economic activity that contributes to political violence. Beginning with an overview of over a dozen policies aimed at transforming these activities into economic relationships which support peace, not war, the book then offers a sustained critique of the reasons for limited success in this policy field. The inability of the range of international actors involved in this policy area, the Development-Security Industry (DSI), to bring about more peaceful political-economic relationships is shown to be a result of liberal biases, resulting conceptual lenses and operational tendencies within this industry. A detailed case study of responses to organised crime in Kosovo offers an in-depth exploration of these problems, but also highlights opportunities for policy innovation. This book offers a new framework for understanding both the problem of economic activity that accompanies and sometimes facilitates violence and programmes aimed at managing these forms of economic activity. Summaries of key arguments and frameworks, found within each chapter, provide accessible templates for both students and aid practitioners seeking to understand war economies and policy reactions in a range of other contexts. It also offers insight into how to alter and improve policy responses in other cases. As such, the book is accessible to a range of readers, including students interested in peace, conflict and international development as well as policy makers and practitioners seeking new ways of understanding war economies and improving responses to them.
Despite the imperative for change in a world of persistent inequality, racism,
oppression and violence, difficulties arise once we try to bring about a
transformation. As scholars, students and activists, we may want to change the
world, but we are not separate, looking in, but rather part of the world
ourselves. The book demonstrates that we are not in control: with all our
academic rigour, we cannot know with certainty why the world is the way it is,
or what impact our actions will have. It asks what we are to do, if this is the
case, and engages with our desire to seek change. Chapters scrutinise the role
of intellectuals, experts and activists in famine aid, the Iraq war,
humanitarianism and intervention, traumatic memory, enforced disappearance, and
the Grenfell Tower fire, and examine the fantasy of security, contemporary
notions of time, space and materiality, and ideas of the human and sentience.
Plays and films by Michael Frayn, Chris Marker and Patricio Guzmán are
considered, and autobiographical narrative accounts probe the author’s life and
background. The book argues that although we might need to traverse the fantasy
of certainty and security, we do not need to give up on hope.
concomitantly, world society, is presumably founded.
Even if on a cosmopolitan view we remain wed to the idea that all
Homo sapiens do in fact comprise world society, then our
accountings need to grapple with the fact that different types of
human beings invariably occupy dissimilar positions. In this
section, I propose four processes which aid in the production of