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Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

the democratic will of the people, not from the sovereign or a ruling class defined by birth (or some other restrictive attribute). All are subject to government. All should have a say in how it is constructed and, within what is practicable, should be allowed to participate. All democratic governments derive their legitimacy from this concept, a vital element of which is ‘consent’. Consent In direct

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Svante Norrhem and Erik Thomson

Historians have showed only limited interest in subsidies and the transfer of resources between allies as distinct and central problems of early modern diplomacy. There is not an extant list, for example, of all the payments promised from one sovereign to another in early modern Europe, and still less a record of whether the payments were made. The words ‘subsidies’ and ‘pensions’ are not in the indexes of recent surveys of diplomatic history in German, French, or English, and the subject does not receive systematic treatment in any of them.15 Recent works by Anglophone

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Justin Champion

attempting to make a firm distinction between political theory and claims of conscience, for most in the political elite (in particular those involved in parliamentary politics and successive national administrations) the inter-related questions of the security of the established Protestant church and its rights of jurisdiction (and coercion) over the laity were fundamental. It was impossible to critique the nature of the monarchy without drawing implications for the status and authority of the Church, or the rights and duties of subjects or citizens. As we have seen, it

in Republican learning
Open Access (free)
Graeme Kirkpatrick

contemplated as some kind of historical accretion, feels increasingly out of touch in the age of social media. 1 In contrast, Feenberg introjects social elements into the definition of technology. This undermines essentialism, while he retains many of its critical insights, and makes it possible to develop a richer, more nuanced conception of the entwinement of technological capabilities with human ones and their joint development through social and historical processes. The notion of technical politics as a site of struggle where these processes are mediated and subject

in Technical politics
Fiona Robinson

in which he is said to engage (Walker 1998 : 131). But Narayan's analysis disturbs the feminist dichotomy between rights-holding autonomous man and the relational subject. Narayan points out that the rights-discourse – the contractual focus on relationships between equals, and on agents as independent, separate and mutually disinterested – was only part of the

in Recognition and Global Politics
The case of mitochondrial transfer
Iain Brassington

. Freedom from risk The safety concern is straightforward: that genetic engineering is, in the grand scheme of things, a very young science, and that such is the import of our genomes to our well-being that we cannot be certain that we would not be generating much bigger problems than we were hoping to solve. Faulty mitochondria are passed down maternally, to all of any affected woman’s children; they cannot be passed on to her grandchildren if she has no daughters. By the same token, should interference with natural mtDNA inheritance unexpectedly create its own problems

in The freedom of scientific research
Simha Goldin

relate to perennial questions, frequently discussed, such as matters of personal status (divorce and levirate marriage), interest, and inheritance. However, new questions also arise, concerning both the halakhic subject matter and issues of self-definition. Should one mourn for an apostate who has died or for his son, and how? Should one accept an apostate who wishes to return to Judaism, and if so how? These issues pertain to the identity and self-definition of the Jew who remained a Jew despite all difficulties. The general attitude was that the graver the overall

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
Open Access (free)
John J. Hurt

Conclusion As previously noted, revisionist historians view the royal state as ruling Old Regime France by means of compromises with national and regional elites, sharing authority with them and protecting their interests in return for their loyalties. This study has tried to show that the administration of Louis XIV had after all an authoritarian core, especially in its relations with the parlements. Absolute government, whatever ornate compromises decorated its multiple facades, rested on an authoritarian foundation. With respect to our topic, the critical

in Louis XIV and the parlements
Open Access (free)
Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia

material inequalities need to be taken into account, resistance cannot be seen ‘as the agency of the powerless against the powerful, in which the latter are irresistible for the former’ (2012b: 26). Instead, echoing Mitchell’s previous works, ‘many ways of resisting should be viewed as a shared dynamic, or as a reflexive tension, in which all actors are simultaneously objects and subjects of change and must negotiate, shape or help to determine the nature of this change’ (Richmond and Mitchell 2012b: 26). Although they are right in pointing out that resistance is not an

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
John J. Hurt

tiers et danger, most recently in a decree of 11 August 1667. However, the forest ordinance of 1669 cancelled these exemptions, and the edict of 1672 ordered Norman proprietors to pay arrears of as much as thirty years. A royal commission had already begun to assess both tiers et danger and franc-fief taxes, while also trying to collect from all the officials subject to the heredity of office edicts. Inevitably, the Vialet partners administered all the edicts.48 The commission operated under the authority of the forest ordinance and despite the refusal of the Parlement to

in Louis XIV and the parlements