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Conclusion As previously noted, revisionist historians view the royal state as ruling Old Regime France by means of compromises with national and regional elites, sharing authority with them and protecting their interests in return for their loyalties. This study has tried to show that the administration of Louis XIV had after all an authoritarian core, especially in its relations with the parlements. Absolute government, whatever ornate compromises decorated its multiple facades, rested on an authoritarian foundation. With respect to our topic, the critical

in Louis XIV and the parlements

a structure, function and ideology which is intended to ‘educate’ or ‘cure’ inmates, moving them from invalid categories of ‘negative subject’ into institutional ideas of ‘normality’ and the ‘ideal subject’. Artistic expression is often encouraged in this socialisation process and this is professionally justified through models of ‘art therapy’, ‘art education’ and ‘client-led’ or collaborative art practices. I propose that it is possible to create a further, anarchist,1 model which is based on the ‘validation’ (rather than stigmatisation) of the (artistic

in Changing anarchism

tiers et danger, most recently in a decree of 11 August 1667. However, the forest ordinance of 1669 cancelled these exemptions, and the edict of 1672 ordered Norman proprietors to pay arrears of as much as thirty years. A royal commission had already begun to assess both tiers et danger and franc-fief taxes, while also trying to collect from all the officials subject to the heredity of office edicts. Inevitably, the Vialet partners administered all the edicts.48 The commission operated under the authority of the forest ordinance and despite the refusal of the Parlement to

in Louis XIV and the parlements
Continuities and contradictions underpinning Amitai Etzioni’s communitarian influence on New Labour

for learning and social control. All reinforce Driver and Martell’s observation that if communitarianism ‘is New Labour’s answer to Thatcherism; so too is it Blair’s rebuff to Old Labour. Community will restore the moral balance to society by setting out duties and obligations as well as rights.’ 7 Quite simply, it is this communitarian emphasis on

in The Third Way and beyond
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Association and distinction in politics and religion

, government building, or religious monument in a city, the more evident it is to all and the less it can be enjoyed only for the private satisfaction and reassurance of the privileged. But the larger the garden, the greater the likelihood that it will be shielded from public gaze. The small patch of the ordinary subject or citizen can be viewed from the street, from the train, from the bus. The gardens of the wealthy are not mere estates, but landscapes, and functioning for the exclusive identity cultivation of their owners. Denis Cosgrove has argued that that ‘landscape

in Cultivating political and public identity
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of the mid- to late-nineteenth century assessed the political rights of Indigenes and both the overt violence–coercion of other modes of settler–colonial rule and the entrenched discrimination that continues to characterise settler societies today. Colonialism had a particular face in colonies such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa where large numbers of British and other European settlers claimed a stake in

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
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Sovereignty and registration of the laws

treated the king’s new laws. Jean Bodin, the most incisive political thinker of sixteenth-century France, identified the giving of laws to all subjects without their consent as the hallmark of sovereignty, by which he meant supreme, permanent power in the state. In France, sovereignty belonged to the king, so that legislative sovereignty coincided with royal sovereignty, or puissance absolue. Bodin also said that sovereignty could not be divided, shared or delegated. On the surface, magistrates of the Parlement of Paris accepted all of this and periodically, sometimes

in Louis XIV and the parlements

moving them to contribute to the good of all. But in the real world of communities of choice, such needs as education, health and social care are usually met by paid staff, and already in many cities public service professionals are single, short-term immigrants, recruited because indigenous staff with families cannot afford to live there on their pay. And communitarians are also remarkably coy about the coercion involved in

in Political concepts

plays in the official ceremonial life of the nation. None of these attitudes can be sustained unless all other British subjects play a part in the activities of his Church, whether they like it or not: they must be affected by parish government, bound by a legislature that includes bishops in the second chamber, required to pay taxes for the support of the Church and to endure the Anglican liturgies in ceremonies of coronation, the opening of Parliament, etc. Methodists, Roman Catholics and atheists in the population might welcome the disestablishment of the Church of

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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Art and interpretation

accompanies my representations is in itself dispersed and has no relation to the identity of the subject’. Given that experience does not consist of a chaos of empirical representations there must therefore be a subject which creates a unity between those representations, otherwise ‘I would have a self which is as multicoloured and multiple as the representations that I am conscious of having’ (CPR B p. 133), or, no self at all. Kant admits the need to posit the existence of the grounding I, whose knowable identity must, like all knowledge, then be synthesised from its

in Aesthetics and subjectivity