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Geoffrey K. Roberts and Patricia Hogwood

, Umberto Leader of the Italian party, the Lombardy League, then of the Northern League. Born in 1941 in Varese, Bossi studied at Pavia University. He co-founded the Lombardy Autonomy League in 1982 and has led the party (which changed its name to Lombardy League) since 1984. He was elected as a Senator in 1987 and has been leader of the Federation of Northern League Movements from 1989. In 1991 he played a

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
M. Anne Brown

responsibility to confront and deal with addiction. Worse, it leaves communities to think that nothing can be done to confront substance abuse because its purported causes: dispossession, racism, trauma and poverty, are beyond reach of social resolution at present. (2000: 10–11) This raises the question, one which sears through many rights issues, not only those domains classified as economic and social, of how we understand ‘will’, ‘autonomy’ and ‘responsibility’. I cannot answer this question, but only respond in a limited and interim way to Noel

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Alan Cromartie

‘sentiment’, and bourgeois self-assertion were all of them certainly likely to encourage an ideal of non-dependence. At all events, in Rousseau’s theory, love of autonomy replaces glory in precluding the view that man is innately social and setting the problem legitimacy must solve. The essence of Rousseau’s solution is quite simple. As Rousseau’s selves prize self-determination above convenience and even

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
David Owen

polity may only exhibit the appearance of democratic rule rather than the reality of such rule – or, more strictly, may only exhibit the reality of such rule in externally limited and constrained contexts. In this real world contemporary context, maintaining the claim that a polity is democratic requires either a highly implausible and impracticable reassertion of its autonomy or a democratisation of the forms of

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Andrew Vincent

often underpinning the separation is that human persons are morally fundamental. Human persons are regarded as morally (not physically) distinct from their natural environment. 13 Kantian understanding of human agency and autonomy provides a classical rendering of this point. Kantian freedom, rationality and morality are wholly distinct from ‘natural causation’. The rational agent exists autonomously as an end in herself and

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

philosophers of the Enlightenment in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries argued strongly that animals did not have any rational basis for rights as compared to humans. Animals were not rational, did not have a consciousness, and were merely resources placed on earth for human convenience. Any attempt to give them rights was not only nonsense but would weaken the claims human beings had to a moral autonomy superior to the rest

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Volker M. Heins

communities’ or ‘societies’ as given. This implies a restriction of the purview of the theory which has something to say about social movements beyond national borders, but remains silent on international conflicts between states, struggles for independent statehood and struggles for collective autonomy within states. The domestic bias is reinforced by a weak concept of struggle. In a

in Recognition and Global Politics
Tarik Kochi

self-reflection, self-consciousness in which the poor attempt to comprehend the reasons for their impoverishment, upon which they come to reflect upon the causes of their inequality. It is the sharp and contradictory split between the idea of modern market or capitalist society in which the individual is given the ideal of freedom, of autonomy, of liberty, and the material reality of being

in Recognition and Global Politics
From Afghanistan to Iraq
Kerry Longhurst

. While disputes arose regarding the extent of the ESDP’s potential autonomy and its relationship to NATO, many of these issues were resolved over time, and by September 11 the EU seemed to be on course to fulfil its security policy ambitions. In Germany, meanwhile, although it appeared that Berlin had been getting to grips with the use of force, as seen in the resolution of the out-of-area debate by the mid-1990s and the subsequent deployment in Kosovo, the change in leadership from Kohl to Schröder in 1998 witnessed a more domestically focused German foreign policy, as

in Germany and the use of force
Elana Wilson Rowe

Council. We first look at how debates around the ‘science–​policy interface’ manifest themselves more generally. When is discussion of scientific knowledge (or the presence/​autonomy of scientists) given weight at the high-​political level? Turning to indigenous diplomacy, we analyse and categorise Permanent Participants’ diplomatic interventions in the Arctic Council (which is, of course, just one stage upon which the multifaceted politics of indigenous sovereignty is enacted). In the concluding section, I discuss a concept borrowed from science and technology studies

in Arctic governance