Social democracy has made a political comeback in recent years, especially under the influence of the ‘Third Way’. Not everyone is convinced, however, that ‘Third Way’ social democracy is the best means of reviving the Left's project. This book considers this dissent and offers an alternative approach. Bringing together a range of social and political theories, it engages with some contemporary debates regarding the present direction and future of the Left. Drawing upon egalitarian, feminist and environmental ideas, the book proposes that the social democratic tradition can be renewed but only if the dominance of conservative ideas is challenged more effectively. It explores a number of issues with this aim in mind, including justice, the state, democracy, new technologies, future generations and the advances in genetics.
decorative but a permanent feature of our public social world.
In this chapter I want to explore what it means to move
multiculturalism from the outskirts to the centre of our political thinking.
Section 1 surveys the range of multicultural rights, while section 2
examines an important recent attempt to theorise them, Will Kymlicka’s
Multicultural Citizenship . 4 Section 3 explores attempts to go beyong Kymlicka’s
leadership for the EU may be
addressed. It is conceivable that there will be a proposal for an elected
President for the Union.
Understanding British and European political issues
A British idea is that there should be a bicameral legislature. Some kind of
second parliamentary chamber is certainly on the cards.
There are proposals for a European ‘Bill of Rights’ which would, once and
for all, establish the basis of citizenship and rights for all members of the
EU, including its millions of new citizens to come.
Students, academics, media people
empirical researchers and policy-makers alike. Those gifts are clearly on
display here as Bauböck explores the virtues and limitations of three
different principles of democratic inclusion: all affected interests (AAI), all
subject to coercion (ASC) and all citizenship stakeholders (ACS). Bauböck
argues that the three principles complement one another, with each providing
legitimation for a different set of democratic institutions and practices
she, herself, joins’. On top of
that advice it would be useful to teach children ‘pride in and
loyalty to the traditions of democracy of the British Empire and their
application to Canadian life today’. 1
Such advice illuminates the importance of women to
postwar Canadian citizenship. Citizenship was a place that was gendered
through an appeal to women’s enduring domestic positioning. While
The power of vulnerability interrogates the new language of vulnerability that has emerged in feminist, queer and anti-racist debates about the production, use and meanings of media. The book investigates the historical legacies and contemporary forms and effects of this language. In today’s media culture, traumatic first-person or group narratives have popular currency, mobilising affect from compassion to rage to gain cultural visibility and political advantage. In this context, vulnerability becomes a kind of capital, a resource or an asset that can and has been appropriated for various groups and purposes in public discourses, activism as well as cultural institutions. Thus, politics of representation translates into politics of affect, and the question about whose vulnerability counts as socially and culturally legible and acknowledged. The contributors of the book examine how vulnerability has become a battleground; how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised language for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power; and how media activism and state policies address so-called vulnerable groups. While the contributors investigate the political potential as well as the constraints of vulnerability for feminist, queer and antiracist criticism, they also focus on the forms of agency and participation vulnerability can offer.
In the late 1990s Third Way governments were in power across Europe - and beyond, in the USA and Brazil, for instance. The Third Way experiment was one that attracted attention worldwide. The changes made by Left parties in Scandinavia, Holland, France or Italy since the late 1980s are as much part of Third Way politics as those developed in Anglo-Saxon countries. Since the early 1990s welfare reform has been at the heart of the Centre-Left's search for a new political middle way between post-war social democracy and Thatcherite Conservatism. For Tony Blair, welfare reform was key to establishing his New Labour credentials - just as it was for Bill Clinton and the New Democrats in the USA. Equality has been 'the polestar of the Left', and the redefinition of this concept by Giddens and New Labour marks a significant departure from post-war social democratic goals. The most useful way of approaching the problem of the Blair Government's 'Third Way' is to apply the term to its 'operational code': the precepts, assumptions and ideas that actually inform policy choice. The choice would be the strategy of public-private partnership (PPP) or the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), as applied to health policy. New Labour is deeply influenced by the thoughts and sentiments of Amitai Etzioni and the new communitarian movement. Repoliticisation is what stands out from all the contributions of reconstructing the Third Way along more progressive lines.
Democracy as a system of government. Here we can discern two forms of
democracy: ‘defensive democracy’ and ‘citizen
democracy’/‘republican democracy’; democracy and
legitimising government; majority rule and democracy; equality of citizenship rights; public opinion in democracies; the rule of law and democracy.
Democracy as a system of government
Ancient Greeks, such as Aristotle in
in the last decade several attempts to render the EU more
democratic have actually been made, a good example being
the significant empowerment of the European Parliament
(EP). Moreover, the TEU made member-state nationals
EU citizens, an unprecedented step in world history, even
if EU citizenship remains rather limited. Indeed, the EU
is preparing for both further enlargement and the next
round of Treaty reform (due in 2004) by launching a process
of ‘civil dialogue’ and a quasi-constitutional convention.
These are supposed to provide suggestions about increasing
What the NHS changed was that it removed entirely questions of payment from the
doctor–patient encounter. Moreover, it enshrined within commonly held
notions of British citizenship that this should be so.
Just as the absence of payment after 1948 was deeply imbued with
meaning, so too was the act of paying the hospital before the NHS. It was an
act firmly embedded in the social relations that had always governed medical