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acceptance of their established amateur authority in a deeply conservative sport illustrates the strength of tradition and conservatism in British society. Such respect for tradition within racing was reflected in the reception given to Lord Derby, a leading member of the Jockey Club, when his horse Sansovino won the Derby in 1924. His family had founded the race in 1780 yet had never won it. ‘At Last!’, exclaimed the Daily Graphic, and others followed the same line. His was ‘a popular victory’, given a ‘rolling torrent of cheers’, with Lord Derby ‘overwhelmed with

in Horseracing and the British 1919–39
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and development over the last two centuries with particular reference to its main features and assumptions. It is an ideology with the chameleon-like quality of adapting to the needs of countries, ideologies and the times. The impact of nationalism in both domestic and international politics is examined. 9 Conservatism Conservatism is ‘a policy of imperfection’, based on a pessimistic view of human nature

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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rights in Western countries. British socialism has been deeply influenced by the nonconformist Christian tradition. Conservatism in Britain and the Christian Democratic parties of Germany and Italy have been closely identified with particular forms of the Christian tradition (Anglicanism in Britain and Catholicism in Germany and Italy). However, the Christian tradition in Western Europe is declining in

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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Class cultures, the trade unions and the Labour Party

political energies of the unemployed into the dole bureaucracy in pursuit of fair payment – localising and rendering them harmless in the process. It was one of the ways in which the State, even though it might not have created working-class Conservatism, helped to entrench it. McKibbin identifies three ways in which the State did this. First, by identifying the Labour Party exclusively with its unionised base and identifying ‘the political idea’ of the working class exclusively with a necessarily sectional Labour Party. Second, by ensuring that everyone outside this

in Interpreting the Labour Party
A comparative analysis

–30. Lord Brooke’s Committee of Inquiry into Organisation of the Cities, Minutes and Report, 1966–67, CPA CCO/500/1/42. Macleod Report on Young Conservatives, and Party Chairman to Heath, 29 October 1965, CPA CCO/20/47/1; Conservative New Groups: The Young Approach (London, Conservative Central Office, 1968); S. Ball, ‘Local Conservatism and the evolution of the party organisation’, in Seldon and Ball (eds), Conservative Century, pp. 300–1. See the account by its Director, A. Rowe, ‘The Community Affairs Department, 1975–1979: a personal record’, in S. Ball and I

in The Conservatives in Crisis
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and responsibilities. Effectively, my argument will be that if we are to be genuinely concerned with reciprocity and responsibility then we must attach them to a theory of egalitarian justice that I will term ‘equality of powers’. What the NSD conveniently ignores is that if egalitarian justice really is defunct, then not only does this eliminate radical alternatives to conservatism, it also gives us very little reason to support reciprocity, responsibility, etc., thus undermining the NSD itself. The case is established by reviewing two concepts in turn: justice and

in After the new social democracy

State was the by-now-standard one for the Milibandian ‘school’ as a whole. This was that democratic politics in advanced capitalist societies operate within powerful class constraints; and that these constraints are structured into the political domain through the conservatism of state bureaucracy, the force of business and financial interests, and the ideological pressure of capitalist values in the mass media. Social democratic parties of the Labour Party variety were not entirely ignored in this analysis; but they appeared there in less prominent roles. They

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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Competing claims to national identity

their individual births.8 MUP_Bellamy_08_Ch7 174 9/3/03, 9:38 175 C The perpetuation of individual memory in 1990s Croatia meant that the sharp break from self-management socialism to nationalist conservatism was disingenuous to many. The Franjoist insistence that Yugoslavia impoverished Croatia did not fit with many people’s perception of economic realities in the 1980s and 1990s. The argument that Dinamo was a communist and Serbian name did not fit with Bad Blue Boys who could remember when Dinamo represented Croatia and waving a Dinamo flag was a

in The formation of Croatian national identity
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Pleasantville and the textuality of media memory

(1993), Pleasantville evokes a nascent conservatism against which to pit and champion themes of social justice and cultural and political regeneration. While in Dave , an honest everyman is displaced into the corrupt world of Presidential politics, changing it with can-do compassion, Daniel and Jennifer are displaced into the regulated myth-world of Pleasantville, transforming it with values and

in Memory and popular film
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conservatism characterised Kennedy's tenure as he prioritised IAOS support for creameries, but he also received criticism for his preference to support stronger societies over smaller, less established ones. 7 A lack of dynamism led the Minister of Agriculture to appoint Joseph Knapp, the Administrator of the American Farmer Co-operative Service based at the US Department of Agriculture, to conduct an independent review of the IAOS to find out what ‘might be done to strengthen it [the co-operative movement] and to increase its influence in the agricultural sphere generally

in Civilising rural Ireland