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  • Manchester History of Medicine x
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Christine E. Hallett

the bombardment’ like the nurses in Antwerp described by Sarah Macnaughtan,28 she stands bewildered: Never for a second was there any fear of death, but an agonizing fear of the concussion, of a jaw torn off, of a nose smashed in … In that fearful moment, there was not one intellectual faculty I could call upon. There was nothing in past experience, nothing of will-power, of judgement, of intuition, that could serve me. I  was beyond and outside and apart from the accumulated experience of my lifetime. My intelligence was worthless in this moment of supreme need

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
Colonialism and Native Health nursing in New Zealand, 1900–40
Linda Bryder

scale of the problem Māori health was indisputably poor around the turn of the twentieth century relative to the local Pakeha (non-Māori) population. New Zealand became a British colony in 1840 and this was followed by an exponential increase in the European population, as well as a fall in the Māori population. Census data show that Māori population had declined from approximately 56,000 in 1857 to 42,000 in 1896.6 There were no accurate data on births and deaths, since Māori were not required by law to register births and deaths until the 1912 Births and Deaths

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
Gareth Millward

globe – as did the emergence of the WHO. 7 Thus, while routine vaccination continued until 1971 and ports were monitored for signs of importation, Britain's national protection was to come from international cooperation and a battle fought well away from its own shores. Before 1946 Smallpox was a deadly infectious disease which came in two forms. Variola major had a death rate of around 20 per cent, while the weaker variola minor had a death rate of around 1 per cent. All could lead to excessive scarring and complications in survivors. 8 While public health

in Vaccinating Britain
Open Access (free)
Duncan Wilson

books such as Easeful Death, she now claimed that it was ‘inhumane’ to deny people the right to die.8 She argued that this included not only terminally ill patients, but also individuals who felt they were a burden on their families due to disability or old age.9 When it came to assisted dying, Warnock argued, doctors had a pressing duty, ‘unless their religion forbids it’, to respect the autonomy of dying, elderly and disabled patients.10 In a 2008 column for the Observer, she stressed that ‘we have a moral obligation to take other people’s seriously reached

in The making of British bioethics
Open Access (free)
Gareth Millward

In 1940, diphtheria became the first vaccine of the bacteriological age to be offered free to British children on a national scale. It achieved impressive results in its first years, reducing the case load from over 46,000 in 1940 to just 962 in 1950, and deaths from 2,480 to 49. 1 Medical authorities celebrated this success, but were mindful of the paradox they had created. With diphtheria no longer a common disease, would parents stop immunising their children? And if they did, would a disease that should be eliminated make a deadly

in Vaccinating Britain
Jane Brooks

to use skilful techniques of assessment and management in the face of the soldier’s stoicism to provide him with adequate pain relief. As part of the formation of skills to manage their combatant patients in war zones overseas, nurses developed the artistry of their practice from task orientation to a humanitarian service that healed men physically, socially and emotionally, in order to prepare them for return to the battlefield, or support them in death.5 As men were laid waste across the globe by the destructive forces of modern weaponry, military nurses were

in Negotiating nursing
Open Access (free)
Gareth Millward

diphtheria-tetanus (DT) and whole-cell pertussis vaccines were available. 19 The whooping cough vaccine was successful. Pertussis morbidity dropped significantly over the 1960s, from an average of 122,000 cases (and 374 deaths) per year in the ten years ending 1956, to just 20,400 cases (and 24 deaths) per year for the ten years ending 1970 ( Figure 4.1 ). 20 Figure 4.1 Pertussis notifications, England and Wales, 1940–2005. After 2005, improvements in laboratory testing and notifications mean

in Vaccinating Britain
Open Access (free)
Christine E. Hallett

through the head while staring through a loophole.1 Nurses, too, could write with authority. Although only a combatant like Blunden could faithfully describe a sudden death or the emotional turmoil of trench life, a nurse such as Alice Fitzgerald could write of the horror of witnessing slow death from wound sepsis or the anxiety of lying in a bell tent during a bombardment with a steel helmet over her face. Some nurse writers were careful observers and relentless truth-tellers. Others wrote with purpose, some with pacifist intent – to show that war was horrific, not

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
George Campbell Gosling

nationally with weekly incomes over £5, according to the Ministry of Labour in 1938. 17 Meanwhile local surveys in both 1884 and 1937 concluded that, for the other four-fifths of Bristolians, living standards were high and death rates low. Figure 2.2 shows the 1937 income levels of the city's working-class families, excluding the middle-class fifth of the population. 12.2 per cent were living in a state of ‘comfort’, defined as those with

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
Fighting a tropical scourge, modernising the nation
Jaime Benchimol

yellow fever, but the uncertainty surrounding the aetiology and prevention of the disease hampered the progress of the social forces interested in cleaning up the city. Freire's vaccine and microbe fell into disuse after his death on 21 August 1899. The National Academy of Medicine 11 passed a motion to pay homage to him as a ‘great servant of humanity’, and in the very same session a new member of the academy was appointed

in The politics of vaccination