John Narayan

equality? And how did this result in Dewey arguing for democratic socialism within the confines of the Great Society? The answers to these questions are best illustrated in Dewey’s reconstruction of liberalism and liberty in Liberalism and Social Action (LW11) and a whole swathe of essays written throughout the 90 John Dewey Great Depression. In these works, Dewey puts forward the idea that ‘liberalism’ and its idea of liberty had become a much-confused concept and departed from its initial meaning (LW11: 5). If we recall the discussion of philosophical liberalism in

in John Dewey
Open Access (free)
Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

together to an understanding of the social and political order. Liberalism as it developed during the nineteenth century was allimportant in the growth of these ideas. Most influential in the midcentury period was Richard Cobden, whose support for free trade between nations was based on a belief that commercial relations between nations would make them interdependent on one another, and thus make war contrary to their interests. Cobden pressed for a formal policy of nonintervention and international arbitration, and while he collaborated with absolute pacifists, he made

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Ideology and the Conservative Party, 1997–2001
Mark Garnett

the mode of political thinking denounced by Burke. Gray argues that far from pursuing a conservative policy programme after 1979, a Conservative Party addicted to economic liberalism deliberately ‘hollowed out’ most of the institutions which conservatives hold dear – even the market itself, which cannot operate without some sense of community and widely shared social values. Thinking in terms of abstract individuals and ignoring the critical social dimension, Conservatives have applauded the corrosive effects of the free market instead of trying to resist them.2 As

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Hannah Jones, Yasmin Gunaratnam, Gargi Bhattacharyya, William Davies, Sukhwant Dhaliwal, Emma Jackson and Roiyah Saltus

of the logics, rationalities and anxieties that underpin them. We will do this by exploring the techniques of government used in Operation Vaken through an engagement with, and extension of, the terms circulating in policy circles themselves, framed through questions of liberalism, neoliberalism, postliberalism and preliberalism. In doing so, we pull out some of the contradictions demonstrated in the previous chapter whereby tools of

in Go home?
Fiona Robinson

describing the paternalistic impulses and effects of European rationalism on so-called ‘non-Western’ cultures. The globalist and narcissistic tendencies of Western liberalism are inextricably linked to the paternalism that justified ‘civilizing missions’ around the world, and continue to justify various kinds of ‘humanitarian’ intervention in the lives of others today. Spreading ‘our values’ – through the promotion

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Jonathan Seglow

-communitarian controversy begin to transform itself into a more particular debate about how to accommodate cultural and ethnic claims within a broadly liberal political theory. Here Will Kymlicka’s Liberalism, Community and Culture led the way. 2 By now, it is increasingly recognised that liberal constitutions are shot through with partisan ethnocultural norms. 3 This is the first claim I want to make then

in Political concepts
Dominant approaches
M. Anne Brown

conventional and positive rights as the model from which assertions of moral or non-positive rights may be derived. Contractarianism and contemporary utilitarianism are therefore often regarded as offering opposing accounts of liberal society (e.g. Dworkin, 1977). But as currents of liberalism essentially occupied with questions of the proper relationship between the individual as citizen and the state, utilitarianism and contractarianism also share much in common and in practice work often in tandem. Standard diplomatic treatment of the Universal Declaration of Human

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

robustness of liberalism, socialism, feminism, etc., its possession of (a), (b) and (c) means that pragmatism is not its only feature. And yet this pragmatism is perhaps the main problem with which we have to wrestle. How do we distil what new social democrats say and do into a coherent series of ideas? Do we treat the NSD merely as a political programme? Is the NSD merely a rhetorical device that governments have TZP1 4/25/2005 4:49 PM Page 13 The long march back 13 employed in trying to square various circles? How do we name something as NSD in the first place

in After the new social democracy
Matt Matravers and Susan Mendus

? Brian Barry claims that what follows is scepticism, understood as doubt rather than denial.5 Since we cannot persuade others of the truth of our own conception of the good, we must hold that conception with some doubt, and doubt is all that is necessary in order to generate (moderate) scepticism. Rawls, however, resists this conclusion because he believes that political liberalism ought, so far as possible, to stand back from questions of the highest good and from metaphysical and philosophical questions generally. In a society characterised by reasonable pluralism

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation
Ben Clift

misconstrues the relation between social democracy’s programmatic goals and the means deployed in pursuit of social democratic ends. Fundamentally, it misunderstands the nature of social democracy and prematurely discounts its capacity for renewal (Clift 2003a). A changed international economic and domestic political context (the end of embedded liberalism) requires us to look at how social democratic goals are pursued today, and to trace the outline of a new political economy of social democracy. The ends – securing equality of outcome and opportunity, redistribution to the

in In search of social democracy