Thinking, feeling, making

Marxist notion that craft labour involves specialized processes and skills tied to particular materials, its products designed to satisfy local needs. With the transition from handicraft production to industry, both activity and product become more abstract and universal, and the relation of subject to object in work is further mediated and distanced. 8 Although Marx and Engels were critical of medieval feudalism, Morris's version of revolutionary socialism often looked back rather than forward, participating in a

in Dating Beowulf
Revolutionary nationalism and women’s representation in Ngugi wa Thiong’o

former prostitute. As Matigari, the people’s hero, is a man and a fighter, and as he returns to his people so that his people in turn will become matigari, then the conclusion which seems inevitable is that Matigari can bequeath his AK 47 to no one other than a son. To Ngugi, therefore, other interests give way before the ‘higher social system of democracy and socialism’ in a free Kenya.34 Yet, even within his framework of values, the shells of the older systems, the skeletons of inherited structures and values, are not so easily discarded. A different statue may be

in Stories of women

socialism meant that these types of opportunity were much slower to develop in this region than in other parts of Ukraine or indeed the region as a whole. Therefore, whilst CBST was already observed to be in decline in much of post-socialist central Europe by the late 1990s (Sword 1999: 151), the trade has proven to be more resilient on the borders of the former Soviet Union, due to weak global economic integration (Williams and Balaz 2002). The proximity of the border in Diyalivtsi transformed the village and meant that by the time I moved there in 2007 for fieldwork

in Migrating borders and moving times
Debates about potential and ambition in British socialist thought

10 Unlocking the talent of every citizen: debates about potential and ambition in British socialist thought Jeremy Nuttall Introduction This chapter considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. Such an objective was, on the face of it, a central and relatively uncomplicated pillar of socialist thought: socialism claimed to stand for ‘ordinary people’ and an important part of this was seen to be about

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)

Although Marxism and even anarchism are sometimes treated as if they are simply varieties of socialism, we consider that they have sufficiently distinctive characteristics to warrant separate treatment. Starting with Marxism, we examine Marx’s theories of history, economics and politics before discussing the controversies within Marx-inspired political organisations in the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
The Nairn–Anderson interpretation

– contribution to this undertaking focused on a particular account of the character of British reformism. Two of Nairn’s publications stand out as especially relevant in this regard. First, in ‘The nature of the Labour Party’, a paper in two parts originally published in New Left Review during 1964 and subsequently merged as a chapter of Anderson and Blackburn’s Towards Socialism (1965), he gave a coruscating overview of the party’s failures during the first sixty years of its history. In passing, the reader should note that although these publications are cited by their

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?

product of ethnopolitical conflict and the collapse of state socialism, at once – yet it is less commonly placed in the global context of the legacies of colonialism and slavery that should emerge from the refusal to divide the planet into separate ‘postsocialist’ and ‘postcolonial’ worlds that Sharad Chari and Katherine Verdery ( 2009 ) describe as ‘thinking between the posts’. The foremost of those legacies, as Charles Mills ( 1997 ) and others write, is the global pervasiveness of ‘race’. At a time when the juncture of ‘postsocialist’ and ‘postcolonial’ lenses for

in Race and the Yugoslav region

conference in Bradford in 1893, where delegates included Ben Tillet, George Bernard Shaw, and Keir Hardie, and at which Eduard Bernstein of the German Social Democratic Party made an address. Ramsay MacDonald, in a short history of the ILP, described it as a product of the failure of liberalism to meet the new phase of conflict between capital and labour – where the struggle was no longer for political liberty but for economic enfranchisement – which challenged capitalism as a system.4 Indeed: ‘The socialism of the ILP was based partly on egalitarian and pacifist beliefs

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1

) in the late 1860s, its success in improving the legal status of trade unions, the rising expectations of the craft bodies and the first signs of organisation among less-skilled workers in the early 1870s. This period of progress was soon followed by a long economic depression which, contrary to orthodox Marxist predictions, ‘so far from encouraging Socialism and the break-up of the Liberal Party, actually discouraged working-class militancy and destroyed the “advanced” elements then in existence’ (1954a: 6). However, the more positive dynamic was reasserting itself

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Labour, the people and the ‘new political history’

-wing critique that Labour(ism) thwarted the radical potential of the working class. In accounts, like Miliband’s 1961 Parliamentary Socialism, of Labour’s limited progress towards socialism, popular opinion is a strong, silent presence. Pace Miliband, recent work on Labour and popular attitudes, like Fielding, Thompson and Tiratsoo’s England Arise! (1995: 211), has asked why the view ‘that the people’s politics may have inhibited Labour’s attempt to build socialism has never been seriously countenanced’ by historians. Such revisionism has been characterised by critics as

in Interpreting the Labour Party