Budd L. Hall, Edward T. Jackson, Rajesh Tandon, Jean-Marc Fontan, and Nirmala Lall
their own set of challenges
to civil society and to knowledge partnerships. As the new economic powers of
China, India, Brazil and other nations continue their ascendance, and as the West
struggles to regain its economic equilibrium, universities and communities across
the world will face new threats and new opportunities in their work together. As
the world’s new economic superpower, will China move globally to recolonize
knowledge within its ancient, hierarchical and Confucian traditions, or will it
allow or even enable countries and local cultures in its sphere of
‘to find themselves
involved with Indonesia at the same time as they are confronting the Chinese
in Vietnam, and we are most important to them as a political and military
buffer’. 17 On 20 May,
Francis Bator of the National Security Council sent a memorandum to
President Johnson warning that economic troubles might prompt the British to
initiate ‘sharp changes’ in their ‘foreign political and
, including also his oblique but highly controversial ‘fly-on-the-wall’ representations of British elites in one-off documentaries such as
The Fishing Party (1986) and later,
The Dinner Party (1997) .
Other notable examples of para-ethnographic works on British television in the 1990s include two remarkable series that Phil Agland shot in China. The first,
Beyond the Clouds
, in seven parts and broadcast in 1994, was filmed in and around the
This book argues for greater openness in the ways we approach human rights and international rights promotion, and in so doing brings some new understanding to old debates. Starting with the realities of abuse rather than the liberal architecture of rights, it casts human rights as a language for probing the political dimensions of suffering. Seen in this context, the predominant Western models of right generate a substantial but also problematic and not always emancipatory array of practices. These models are far from answering the questions about the nature of political community that are raised by the systemic infliction of suffering. Rather than a simple message from ‘us’ to ‘them’, then, rights promotion is a long and difficult conversation about the relationship between political organisations and suffering. Three case studies are explored: the Tiananmen Square massacre, East Timor's violent modern history and the circumstances of indigenous Australians. The purpose of these discussions is not to elaborate on a new theory of rights, but to work towards rights practices that are more responsive to the spectrum of injury that we inflict and endure.
countries had been successful. At the same
time, a third major investor and trader became an important piece of the
puzzle – China. To some extent this could be seen as a more promising
context for reaching a successful agreement between the EU and Mercosur.
The facilitator of the relaunching of the negotiations was once again the
Spanish presidency of 2010. Since then, several meetings have taken place
between the EU and Mercosur, the last one in Brussels in mid-June 2015.
Throughout 2015, a new kind of scenario became possible – a two-speed
type of negotiation: one with
rewards inherent in such an approach.
While American abandonment of multilateralism may allow striking favourable new bilateral deals in the region – China, North Korea and Japan seem to be high on the list – the riskiness of the approach poses potentially catastrophic risk for Asia as a whole, if not the world. Win or lose, it risks changing for the worse the perceived character of the United States in the eyes of its allies and confirms the claims of its enemies and adversaries that America is a predatory force. This approach – coming at a time and in a region which
countries often drawing on the exact same footage, subject
of course to the inscriptions outlining each broadcaster’s media
rights. In this chapter the global nature of sporting coverage is
considered through Collier and Ong’s ( 2005 )
concept of a global assemblage. Following this, I examine China Central
Televison’s production of the 2008 Beijing Olympic coverage, and
the history of the broadcasting of the America’s Cup.
One of the central questions
within this chapter is: how are global
Lessons to be learned from the EU
policy towards Mercosur
Russia and China, as well as partners in Latin-America, deserve a clear
European strategy. Africa has, unfortunately, been absent from the EU’s
strategic agenda for years and needs to be reengaged … The Union can be a
global actor considering we possess the objectives, principles and instruments.
Unfortunately the political will is often lacking and the question is whether
the EU Member States will take action to change this. (Moratinos 2010)
The views of Miguel Angel Moratinos, Spanish
Colonial Caring covers over a century of colonial nursing by nurses from a wide range of countries including: Denmark, Britain, USA, Holland and Italy; with the colonised countries including South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, Ethiopia, Nigeria, India, Indonesia (Dutch East Indies) and the Danish West Indies. It presents unique perspectives from which to interrogate colonialism and post-colonialism including aspects of race, cultural difference and implications of warfare and politics upon nursing. Viewing nursing’s development under colonial and post-colonial rule reveals different faces of a profession that superficially may appear to be consistent and coherent, yet in reality is constantly reinventing itself. Considering such areas as transnational relationships, class, gender, race and politics, this book aims to present current work in progress within the field, to better understand the complex entanglements in nursing’s development as it was imagined and practised in local imperial, colonial and post-colonial contexts. Taking a chronologically-based structure, early chapters examine nursing in situations of conflict in the post-Crimean period from the Indian Rebellion to the Anglo-Boer War. Recruitment, professionalisation of nursing and of military nursing in particular, are therefore considered before moving deeper into the twentieth century reflecting upon later periods of colonialism in which religion and humanitarianism become more central. Drawing from a wide range of sources from official documents to diaries, memoirs and oral sources, and using a variety of methodologies including qualitative and quantitative approaches, the book represents ground-breaking work.
The power of vulnerability interrogates the new language of vulnerability that has emerged in feminist, queer and anti-racist debates about the production, use and meanings of media. The book investigates the historical legacies and contemporary forms and effects of this language. In today’s media culture, traumatic first-person or group narratives have popular currency, mobilising affect from compassion to rage to gain cultural visibility and political advantage. In this context, vulnerability becomes a kind of capital, a resource or an asset that can and has been appropriated for various groups and purposes in public discourses, activism as well as cultural institutions. Thus, politics of representation translates into politics of affect, and the question about whose vulnerability counts as socially and culturally legible and acknowledged. The contributors of the book examine how vulnerability has become a battleground; how affect and vulnerability have turned into a politicised language for not only addressing but also obscuring asymmetries of power; and how media activism and state policies address so-called vulnerable groups. While the contributors investigate the political potential as well as the constraints of vulnerability for feminist, queer and antiracist criticism, they also focus on the forms of agency and participation vulnerability can offer.