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Explaining foreign policy variation
Raymond Hinnebusch

sense of geopolitical threat from its powerful northern neighbour, Russia, revived by post-war Soviet pressures, superseded post-Sèvres fears of the West and pushed the country into NATO, consolidating its Western identity. Turkey’s desire for admittance to the EU was advanced by its subsequent capitalist development and this same political economy imperative – the need for aid and markets – led the Ozal government to consolidate close ties with the United States. Foreign policy making in Turkey: a ‘democratic pacifist deficit

in The international politics of the Middle East
Is the CFSP sui generis?
Jakob C. Øhrgaard

lead to a common defence, should the European Council so decide’ (TEU, Article J.7(1)). The European Union – even with its Rapid Reaction Force – is arguably still some way from having an operational security policy by comparison with, say, NATO, in whose shadow it remains. However, from an internal and historical viewpoint the very acceptance of security and defence policy as a core policy competence marks a significant

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Henrik Larsen

for autonomous action, backed by needs to develop a capacity for autonomous action backed by credible military forces . . . in order to respond to international crises without prejudice to actions by NATO. The EU will thereby increase its ability to contribute to international peace and security in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter. (Declaration by the European

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Jonathan Colman

vicissitudes of the pound and the British economy’. British society appeared to be a ‘rock of stability by comparison with France today, and some other European countries’. Britain’s ‘manifest support for NATO is a real encouragement at a time when voices are raised in Congress for the withdrawal of troops from Europe’. 73 Exit Lyndon Johnson, enter Richard Nixon On 31 March 1968, Johnson, buffeted by

in A ‘special relationship’?