_4_001.qxd 12 16/2/09 9:23 AM Page 12 Contexts International Commission on Decommissioning that they had received ‘no information from the IRA as to when decommissioning will start’,40 the power-sharing Executive was immediately faced with a huge crisis. After only seventy-two days of self-government, the province’s new institutions were suspended by the Northern Ireland Secretary, Peter Mandelson. On this occasion devolution was restored after a relatively brief period, following an undertaking from the Provisionals that they would ‘initiate a process’ to put their
-life discrimination and societal ostracism borne by ‘unwomanly’ women and gay men. In light of Scotland’s recently accomplished devolution, Whyte’s concern that Scottishness may now begin to undergo a hyperbolic reassertion of itself as a monologic master discourse at risk of Norquay_06_Ch5 96 22/3/02, 9:56 am 97 Masculinities and the post-nation recklessly shattering its erstwhile alliance with other, alternative counternarratives of the nation is surely to be taken very seriously. In conclusion, I would like to return to Kaja Silverman’s suggestion that men’s embrace of
to be taken into account, as in demands for various forms of devolution or the enfranchisement of excluded groups. But these proposals need not turn on specific cases per se. Usually they appeal to reasons that similarly situated others could share and, so, might be applied generally. Obviously, all rules and political systems give rise to rights. But this argument is not rights based. For rights and their application to
and a constituted people (Pettit 2012 : 285–190). 5 The idea of domination (more than simple subjection at a point in time) supports the proposal for multilevel citizenship – as the larger unitary polities become, the more risk of domination of minorities within those states (p. 59); maintaining or extending the devolution of power to local and regional
process rather than a conscious choice by the state in question to refrain from implementation. As pointed out in the previous section of this chapter, it can be assumed that this is particularly true for post-Communist states. During the so-called transition period, these states have experienced devolution of power – lengthening the previous chain of implementation – weakened fiscal strength and control over target group activities, a slow legislative process, a tendency for sanctions to be ineffective and have only a brief history of independent enforcement agencies
, its independence should be protected and enhanced. Third, it should be more active, flexible, influential and acquire a higher public profile. The WNC’s own Review (derived from consultation between member organizations) made recommendations about the expansion of membership, to take account of the increased numbers of women’s organizations springing up 192 CASE STUDIES in the aftermath of the UN Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women, and organizational reform to take account of both devolution in the UK and membership of the EU; the Review also made
listen. Human beings are inherently rational, and within the advanced societies there is little alternative to rationality and its inevitably beneficial social outcomes. In his later works, Habermas argued that a particularly fertile ground for rational discourse between different interest groupings is at local level, highlighting the importance of a devolution of powers (Habermas 1990). A contrast is provided by such writers on social movements as Manuel Castells (1998), who writes: So there is democracy, which is a very important thing, but once we elect our
– full independence, some form of association with Portugal or integration with Indonesia (or another independent state). The decision was to be the responsibility of the Timorese. ‘It is part of our policy that the wishes of the population will be respected’, said the minister responsible for East Timor (quoted in Dunn, 1983: 82). However, two approaches to decolonisation were becoming evident in Lisbon, reflecting shifts in factional dominance. The first emphasised gradual devolution of power; the second, an ascendant position, associated with the younger officers
and the subjects of the Russian Federation. It also raises the question whether the formal rights of the federal subjects have been followed up in practice. First, have political realities in post-Soviet Russia allowed the devolution of power to ensue according to the legal stipulations of the Constitution? Second, has decentralisation been accompanied by sufficient sources of economic revenue at the regional level or been reduced to a judicial and/or political exercise of good intentions? Northwestern Russia and the federative system 47 Legal aspects9 The
Colbert may have thought that they needed a lesson in respect for new laws. Besides, the king was about to depart for Flanders and the War of Devolution, and the government may have wished to take a strong stand at a critical moment. But all we know for sure is that the 22 Compulsory registration king decided in early July to employ coercion in the provincial parlements and to begin with the Parlement of Dijon.16 On 8 August 1667, the comte d’Amanzé, the king’s lieutenant general in Burgundy, entered the Parlement with the intendant Claude Bouchu at his side. When the