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New Labour and public sector reform
Eric Shaw

-253-OWI.pdf. M1738 - CALLAGHAN TEXT.indd 164 3/8/09 12:13:39 New Labour and public sector reform 165 Barber, M. (2007) Instruction to Deliver: Tony Blair, Public Services and the Challenge of Achieving Targets (London: Politico’s Publishing). Besley, T. and Ghatak, M. (2003) ‘Incentives, choice and accountability in the provision of public services’, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 19 (2). Bevan, G. and Hood, C. (2006) ‘What’s measured is what matters: targets and gaming in the English public healthcare system’, Public Administration, 84 (3). Blair, T. (2002

in In search of social democracy
Towards a third way and back?
Hartwig Pautz

economic policy: the required fiscal austerity of a leaner and more efficient state would no longer allow Keynesian-style debt-financed market reflation programmes. The manifesto stressed that the SPD wanted to promote employment, not finance unemployment. More would be done for the creation of new jobs, for more successful job searches and for better job take-up. The SPD also addressed its traditional voters of the working class with promises to revoke most of the cut-backs on employment security and sick pay which were made by the CDU-led government (SPD 1998: 12

in In search of social democracy
Dimitris Tsarouhas

the ‘Third Way’ economic policy programme in 1981. The new approach called for a reappraisal of economic policy and the elimination of the current account deficit. To restore lost competitiveness, the economy had to transfer resources to the private sector (SAP 1981). The SAF was particularly pleased with the new approach of targeting inflation and removing the indexation of wages. However, the SAP continued to defend full employment and a strong welfare state (SAP 1985). At the same time, the LO was asked to accept lower budget deficits and a smaller public sector

in In search of social democracy
Robert Sutter

initiatives upset regional stability, complicating the foreign policies of Asian partners and opponents alike, including China. Subsequent pragmatic summitry eased regional anxiety and clarified the new government’s security and political objectives. An effective American strategy remained elusive, especially because of deep divisions in the American administration on trade and economic policy. In 2018, tariffs and restrictions on Chinese investments showed a harder line compatible with an overall toughening of diplomacy, consistent with the administration’s National

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

against native and foreign gangster as much as this is the wish of the decent Germans. (DNZ 24/5/91) After the 1992 compromise of the major German parties on a more strict law on asylum, the DVU toughened its stand on other foreigners. This is probably tactically motivated as the issue of asylum seekers proved successful for the party and it hopes to sustain this success with similar campaigns against other foreigners. Socio-economic policy Socio-economic policy is dealt with rather extensively in the party programme, yet is almost non-existent in the newspapers. The

in The ideology of the extreme right
Armando Barrientos and Martin Powell

differences. Our approach differs from some previous discussions in two main ways. First, in contrast with accounts that cover a wide range of social and economic policies, 14 we focus on social policy. Second, we develop a ‘policy process’ approach, with different elements of discourse, values, policy goals and policy mechanisms. 15 We use a simple heuristic model of the policy process

in The Third Way and beyond
Eric Shaw

persuaded of the validity of the Treasury’s definition of the UK’s economic policies (though not always of their prescriptions) producing a growing gap between the TUC policies to which the two leaders were officially committed and their real views. More generally, while Minkin agrees that union access to and influence over legislation was indeed greater during the 1974–79 Labour Government than in any other peacetime administration, he holds that the orthodox view has exaggerated its scale, ignores its variability and understates its limits (Minkin 1991: 176). Thus the

in Interpreting the Labour Party
David Coates and Leo Panitch

to contribute to the development of Marxist political theory in general. Unlike him, however (he once privately admitted to being bored by economics), we also sought to engage on this basis with the new Marxist political economy. Thus in our accounts of the Labour Party from the 1960s to the 1990s we both built on what he had established and yet departed from him in various ways. This meant telling the history of policy and intra-party conflict in more detail than he did, and concentrating much more on economic policy and political economy. Miliband was therefore

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Continuities and contradictions underpinning Amitai Etzioni’s communitarian influence on New Labour
Simon Prideaux

socio-economic policy had not only improved the living conditions of the disadvantaged but had created an unhealthy dependence on governmental support. With regard to those in work, Etzioni points to the fact that household income was on the increase. But this had less to do with an increase in real income for individuals, and more with a greater financial need or reliance on more

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
An endangered legacy
Matteo Dian

Introduction This chapter will discuss the legacy of the Obama administration of 2009–17 for US–Japan relations. It will highlight elements of change and continuity that characterised the Obama years in the realms of security and economic policy, as well as the significance of historical memory and the processes of reconciliation between the two countries. It will also discuss policy shifts promoted by the administration of President Donald Trump at around the halfway mark of his 2017–21 presidential term in office. The Trump presidency, it is argued, has

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific