, ‘Sister’: 102.
47 G. A. Henty, The Collected Works of G. A. Henty, 7 vols (Alvin, TX: Halcyon
Classics, 2011). On G. A. Henty, see: Mawuena Kossi Logan, Narrating
Africa: George Henty and the Fiction of Empire (London: Taylor and
48 Eric Scott (ed.), Nobody Ever Wins a War: The World War I Diaries of Ella Mae
Bongard, R.N. (Ottawa: Janeric Enterprises, 1997): 29.
49 Boylston, ‘Sister’: 173–4.
50 Christine E. Hallett, Veiled Warriors: Allied Nurses of the First World War
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014): Conclusion.
51 Philips, ‘Healthy
Nursing work and nurses’ space in the Second World War: a gendered construction
University Press, 1998).
53 Pattinson, Behind Enemy Lines.
54 Susan R. Grayzel, ‘“Fighting for the idea of home life”: Mrs Miniver and
Anglo-American representations of domestic morale’, in Philippa Levine
and Susan R. Grayzel (eds), Gender, Labour, War and Empire (London:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
55 Gail Braybon and Penny Summerfield, Out of the Cage: Women’s Experiences
in Two World Wars (London: Pandora, 1987); Deborah Montgomerie,
‘Reassessing Rosie: World War II, New Zealand women and the iconography of
femininity’, Gender and History 8, 1 (1996): 108–32; Phil
life and expression. A growing generation of grammar-school-educated
critical thinkers was finally able to challenge the authority of
traditional models of social progress and evolutionary development
espoused by authorities such as Cyril Burt. On the international
stage, the British Empire was in its death throes. Harold
Macmillan’s ‘Winds of Change’ speech to the
treatment.46 Many of Hutchinson’s
patients had sustained gunshot wounds to the abdomen and then had
travelled by train through Italy to Naples before being admitted to her
ward on HMS Empire Clyde:
During these days – for days it was – rather than hours – some of them
had not had their dressings (they had not got to the stage of bags yet)
properly changed – just more padding added as the bandages became
stained with faecal fluid. They bulged horrifically as if bearing a pillow over
their abdomen. If the ship was in the Naples harbour they came direct to
Susan R. Grayzel (eds), Gender, Labour, War and Empire (London:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 145.
27 Rose, Which People’s War?, loc. 339.
28 P.M. Dyer, ‘When life was grey and scarlet: A recollection of life as an
Army Nursing Sister’, 63, Museum of Military Medical (hereafter MMM)
QARANC/PE/1/151/DYER Box 8.
29 Christine E. Hallett, Containing Trauma: Nursing Work in the First World
War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), 178.
30 Kirsty Harris, More than Bombs and Bandages: Australian Army Nurses at
Work in World War I (Newport: Big Sky Publishing
The French human sciences and the crafting of modern subjectivity,
Ibid. , 54.
M. Gourevitch, ‘La Psychiatrie sous l’empire’, Histoire des sciences medicales , 23:1 (1989), 27–32 (p. 31).
Tableau des opérations de l’Assemblée nationale d’après le Journal de Paris , 228
Perceiving, describing and modelling child development
IQs below 50, and later, in 1944, enabling the development of tests for
eleven-year-olds and the establishment of the tripartite secondary
school system covering grammar, secondary modern and technical schools.
It also led to the establishment of an institutional empire built on
measuring this newly discovered entity and added
‘intelligence’ to the tools of social-scientific
researchers, who could
virgin populations abroad. Although based in the US, Sabin had been born in the Russian Empire (in latter-day Poland) and his relationships with Soviet scientists helped him convince the Soviet Union to allow trials of his OPV. These were a success and, despite initial Western scepticism, by the early 1960s the potential advantages of OPV were recognised by the United States and its allies 88 As with IPV, the British medical establishment was initially cautious. 89 Experiments with Hilary Koprowski's OPV in Belfast in 1956 had been ‘disastrous’, as Lindner and Blume
foundations for expanded private involvement in service delivery, the government's rejection of charges and insurance options meant that the reforms respected two significant principles of the NHS: central funding by taxation and universal access – a core of the supposed ‘post-war consensus’ – remained intact. 58
Underpinning these changes, however, was an analysis consonant with contemporary neoliberal values. The introduction of stricter monitoring and accountability practices would prevent state-employed professionals from empire-building and direct
keen to follow the 1942 Beveridge Report in exploring
the options for postwar social reconstruction. Beyond this, however, Labour's
first majority government took Britain in a radical new direction. 6 Much of the empire was dismantled
at an alarming pace while key industries including coal, steel, electricity
and the railways were brought under state control. 7 Almost as an extension of this programme, Britain's
entire hospital sector was nationalised. However