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Knud Erik Jørgensen

of the UN’s Security Council demonstrate the importance of state identities. Obviously, such debates can be reduced to debates about means and ends but they can also be analysed from the perspective of identity politics, raising questions such as, Is Germany a great power? Ought Germany be represented in the Security Council? Is Germany a civilian power? Is an engagement in PSOs compatible with perceptions of Germany’s role

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Meanings, Limits, Manifestations
Patrick Hayden
Kate Schick

1 Recognition and the International: Meanings, Limits, Manifestations Patrick Hayden and Kate Schick Over the past two decades, critical debates and insights within philosophy, sociology and political theory have focused on the concept of recognition. From interpersonal relationships of self and other, to multiculturalism, identity

in Recognition and Global Politics
Simone de Beauvoir and a Global Theory of Feminist Recognition
Monica Mookherjee

a more detailed discussion would be ideally needed to do justice to her account. Fraser's interest in recognition politics began two decades ago, in the notable relation that she charted between redistribution along class lines, and an identity politics oriented to unequal status or misrecognition (Fraser 1995 ; Thompson 2006 : 11). Over time, Fraser has insisted that redistribution and recognition should

in Recognition and Global Politics
Matthew S. Weinert

doing [which] have intensified’ and deterritorialized identity politics (Hurrell 2007 : 294) – the importation into International Relations of serious consideration of individual-to-individual interaction is increasingly warranted. Yet, any analytical traction or insights we gain by considering interhuman interaction as salient to the study of international relations are compromised by its inherent

in Recognition and Global Politics
The effects of gender, households and ethnicity
Jacqueline O’Reilly
Mark Smith
, and
Paola Villa

reproduction of youth labour market inequalities 265 Crenshaw, K. (1989), ‘Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: a black feminist critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics’, The University of Chicago Legal Forum, 140, 139–67. Crenshaw, K. (1991), ‘Mapping the margins: intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color’, Stanford Law Review, 43:6, 1241–99. Crompton, R. (1999), Restructuring gender relations and employment: the decline of the male breadwinner (Oxford and New York: Oxford University

in Making work more equal
Open Access (free)
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland
Jelena Tošić

local identity politics. 12 The equivalent emic expression is rodjak (or the diminutive rodjo). 13 The extermination of converts by Prince Danilo, which is the central theme of Njegoš’s epic poem, lacks historical validity (Djilas 1966). Conversion to Islam was contested, but remains an integral part of Montenegro’s history. 14 ing. Travelling genealogies 99 15 See below for reflections on the gender dimensions of this process. 16 The introduction of the Bajraktar title can also be seen as

in Migrating borders and moving times
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Shirin M. Rai

and social conflict frameworks of analysis have shifted this focus to groups (Young, 1995; Kymlicka, 1995). These frameworks also allow us to reflect upon strategies for the pursuit of interests — demonstrating, lobbying, going on strike or other such forms of collective action. There is a comprehensive literature about theorizing women’s interests. The concept has been examined in two different ways. The first is to challenge the view that equates women’s interests with identity politics and particularistic demands. As Jonasdottir (1988) has emphasized, interests

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Stan Metcalfe
Alan Warde

limits the force of ethical considerations; it uproots community life; it undermines ecological reparations. The extent to which any of the effects listed is singularly the effect of the market is arguable. However, it is noticeable just how comparatively rarely these considerations are currently aired and debated. Some immediate reasons for this might include the prevalence of identity politics, a decline of scholarly interest in power and the powerful, and continued widespread acceptance of economic growth as the primary goal of political management. It is also

in Market relations and the competitive process
Tony Fitzpatrick

perspective, the kernel of truth here masks the fact that when oppositional movements mobilise against global capitalism they do so not only in terms of cultural identities but also in terms of the materiality of the global network that Castells dissolves into informatic signs. Therefore, although he offers hope to oppositional movements, it is the hope of an identity politics divorced from the great economic and ideological struggles of modernity (Castells, 1998: 359). So as well as underestimating the power of capitalist agents, Castells enjoins us to abandon the

in After the new social democracy
Tony Fitzpatrick

distributive (1997, 2000; Fraser and Honneth, 2001; cf. Okin, 1989). Fraser (2001) notes how distributive justice and recognition are usually treated as incompatible, because the former TZP6 4/25/2005 4:53 PM Page 113 A model of ecowelfare 113 is regarded as a question of ‘the right’ (Kant’s notion of universal rules) and the latter as a question of ‘the good’ (the Sittlichkeit or ethical judgement that Hegel attributed to the embedded self). But Fraser’s argument is that recognition, too, involves justice claims so that it can rescued from an identity politics which

in After the new social democracy