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elements which have evolved since the early 1970s, if not before. These core elements are associated with the values of liberal-democracy, social market economies and the peaceful resolution of disputes, and have been further defined and reinforced by the experience of 1989 and the post-communist democracies’ ‘return to Europe’. Europe’s evolving political identity helps shape the broad directions of its Common Foreign and

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
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how. As Foucault has emphasised, from the late eighteenth century in the USA and then little by little in Europe, it was realised that a stable liberal democracy required a set of institutions – penitentiaries as well as asylums, hospitals, schools and the like – capable of producing suitable citizens. 11 In particular, social control and criminal policy were deliberately aimed at reinforcing, and creating if necessary, the

in Political concepts
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Cultural and political change in 1960s Britain

Guardian believed this ceremony saw ‘the unity of a people expressed more convincingly than ever’.7 The indigenous view that Britons were happy with their political system was reinforced by US social scientists who, during the Cold War, searched for viable models of liberal democracy.8 To Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, the country’s ‘civic culture’ was exemplary, being ‘neither traditional nor modern but partaking of both’. It was a ‘pluralistic culture based on communication and persuasion, a culture of consensus and diversity, a culture that permitted change but

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
From Parliamentary Socialism to ‘Bennism’

many in the Labour Party he did not think they marked a step towards socialism. A third aspect of Miliband’s overall argument concerned the role of the major parties of the Left. He believed liberal democracy had re-established itself after 1945 without relying on fascism – as many business leaders had done during the 1920s and 1930s – simply because the Left presented no serious threat. Instead of trying to transform capitalism, they limited their ambition to reconstructing and reforming the existing economic system. This criticism applied as much to communists in

in Interpreting the Labour Party

, L. (1971) ‘Ideology and integration: the case of the British Labour Party’, Political Studies, 19:2 Panitch, L. (1976) Social Democracy and Industrial Militancy: The Labour Party, the Trade Unions and Incomes Policy 1945–1974, Cambridge Panitch, L. (1977a) ‘The development of corporatism in liberal democracies’, Comparative Political Studies, 10:1 Panitch, L. (1977b) ‘Profits and politics: Labour and the crisis of British capitalism’, Politics and Society, 7:4 Panitch, L. (ed.) (1977c) The Canadian State: Political Economy and Political Power, Toronto Panitch, L

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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contended, arose because theories of the state resorted to mythological ‘state-forming forces’ or ‘political 20 John Dewey instincts’ to explain the state and its functions. For example, Aristotle’s claim that man by nature is an animal that lives in a state and Social Contract Theory’s claim that the state emerges after a fictional state of nature tell us nothing about how actual states come into being or why states take on different forms at different points in history. Such theories merely repackaged the outcome of a given social process (Greek City State/Liberal

in John Dewey

co-operation vis-à-vis ideas of class conflict or the inherent evil within humanity. But in the context of the greatest crisis of liberal democracy and the rise of totalitarianisms, Dewey contended that social intelligence was ‘worth a trial’ and that ‘illusion for illusion’, this particular one may be better ‘than those humanity has usually depended upon’ (LW9: 108). More to the point, Dewey was adamant that a society and culture that permitted science to destroy traditional values but which distrusted its power to create new ones was a culture which was

in John Dewey

separation of church and state. Known as a classical liberal democracy, the United States has two major parties, the Democrats and Republicans, which are derived from the same classical liberal traditions. One might argue, therefore, that basic elements of both major American parties can chap 8 27/5/03 11:57 am Page 269 Parties and politics in the Länder 269 be found in the “economic liberal” right and the “social liberal” left wings of the FDP. The FDP (it refers to itself as F.D.P.) is a “pivotal” party in the German party system that has served as a coalition

in The Länder and German federalism

governments. However, as a collective body they have much weaker authority, especially as we may not know how individual ministers have reached their own decisions. Limited government It is a basic principle of liberal democracy that government should have strict legal limitations placed on its powers. There should also be instruments in place to ensure that it does not overstep these limits. We may usefully ask, therefore, whether strong enough safeguards do exist and, if so, how well they are enforced. Students of European government and politics may well consider other

in Understanding British and European political issues

ability of democratic processes to transform the nature of the economy and society. By forming democratic political parties, trade unions, and so forth the workers and their representatives had been able to reduce poverty and enlarge the state so that it could counteract the effects of capitalism, for example with the formation of the welfare state and the achievement of full employment. Hence, social democracy had disproved the Marxist thesis that socialist advance could not be realised within liberal democracies. Crosland went so far as to argue that such conditions

in In search of social democracy