Mary Warnock, embryos and moral expertise
Duncan Wilson

‘applied ethics’. But many of the philosophers who engaged with ethical issues could not shake off the belief that morality was a set of subjective and often incompatible views and premises.5 Warnock was confronted with this problem when her committee disagreed over embryo research and she was unable to reconcile those ‘who said “Look at the benefits” and those who, at the other extreme, said “I don’t care what the benefits are: I feel it to be wrong’”.6 Warnock recognised that there was no way of uniting these opposing views or of reasonably showing that one was more

in The making of British bioethics
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author:

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Author:

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family
Author:

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

Open Access (free)
Chris Toumey

from the strength of their chapter. Which be the monsters here? Movie monsters? Monstrous offenses to morality that come from movies about science? Or are they the self-appointed gatekeepers of our morality who decided which stories of science in the movies would meet their approval? The chapters The two chapters in this part enhance the theme of tensions between experts and publics. Kirby and Chambers show us that self-appointed experts intended to control the ways that movie-going publics think about science and morality. I dare say that, in the long run, these

in Science and the politics of openness
Open Access (free)
Religious influences on the depictions of science in mainstream movies
David A. Kirby
and
Amy C. Chambers

[1897]), the fearless vampire hunters must turn to ancient religious rites to defeat a monster that has descended upon an unsuspecting and technologically advanced London on the cusp of a new century. A distrust of scientists, who have turned away from morality and religion to dabble disastrously in questions of creation, runs through classic science fiction stories of biological horror and hybridity, like H. G. Wells’s The Island of Dr Moreau (1996 [1896]) and Robert Louis Stevenson’s The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde (2000 [1886]), respectively. Playing God

in Science and the politics of openness
Nancy Fraser

elsewhere, are false antitheses.1 Justice today requires both redistribution and recognition; neither alone is sufficient. As soon as one embraces this thesis, however, the question of how to combine them becomes pressing. I maintain that the emancipatory aspects of the two problematics need to be integrated in a single, comprehensive framework. The task, in part, is to devise an expanded conception of justice that can accommodate both defensible claims for social equality and defensible claims for the recognition of difference. Morality or ethics? Integrating

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Duncan Wilson

the face of increasing secularisation. Ramsey and other theologians did not claim that interdisciplinary debates were necessary because procedures such as IVF raised unprecedented moral dilemmas. They instead believed that IVF touched on longstanding moral questions such as ‘respect for life’, but argued that collaboration was needed because these questions had become hard to resolve in secular societies that lacked ‘a common morality’.2 Crucially, these theologians emulated their predecessors by positioning themselves as ancillaries to doctors. They did not

in The making of British bioethics
Open Access (free)
Andrew Vincent

often underpinning the separation is that human persons are morally fundamental. Human persons are regarded as morally (not physically) distinct from their natural environment. 13 Kantian understanding of human agency and autonomy provides a classical rendering of this point. Kantian freedom, rationality and morality are wholly distinct from ‘natural causation’. The rational agent exists autonomously as an end in herself and

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Pacifist feminism in the IAPA
Heloise Brown

peace questions that would have been of equal interest to men and women readers. It seems that separate women’s auxiliaries were required by women members because these provided them with the space to debate the theory and practice of the peace movement, while also enabling them to explicitly draw connections with other issues of interest, such as – in the case of the WPAA – sexual morality and social purity. The WPAA affiliated itself to the IAPA in 1881 and finally separated from the Peace Society in the summer of 1882. E. M. Southey and the other women who

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’