Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.
Rohinton Mistry is the only author whose every novel has been shortlisted for the Man Booker Prize. Such a Long Journey (1991), A Fine Balance (1995) and Family Matters (2002) are all set in India's Parsee community. Recognised as one of the most important contemporary writers of postcolonial literature, Mistry's subtle yet powerful narratives engross general readers, excite critical acclaim and form staple elements of literature courses across the world. This study provides an insight into the key features of Mistry's work. It suggests how the author's writing can be read in terms of recent Indian political history, his native Zoroastrian culture and ethos, and the experience of migration, which now sees him living in Canada. The texts are viewed through the lens of diaspora and minority discourse theories to show how Mistry's writing is illustrative of marginal positions in relation to sanctioned national identities. In addition, Mistry utilises and blends the conventions of oral storytelling common to the Persian and South Asian traditions, with nods in the direction of the canonical figures of modern European literature, sometimes reworking and reinflecting their registers and preoccupations to create a distinctive voice redolent of the hybrid inheritance of Parsee culture and of the postcolonial predicament more generally.
In this book scholars from across the globe investigate changes in ‘society’ and ‘nation’ over time through the lens of immunisation. Such an analysis unmasks the idea of vaccination as a simple health technology and makes visible the social and political complexities in which vaccination programmes are embedded. The collection of essays gives a comparative overview of immunisation at different times in widely different parts of the world and under different types of political regime. Core themes in the chapters include immunisation as an element of state formation; citizens’ articulation of seeing (or not seeing) their needs incorporated into public health practice; allegations that development aid is inappropriately steering third-world health policies; and an ideological shift that treats vaccines as marketable and profitable commodities rather than as essential tools of public health. Throughout, the authors explore relationships among vaccination, vaccine-making, and the discourses and debates on citizenship and nationhood that have accompanied mass vaccination campaigns. The thoughtful investigations of vaccination in relation to state power, concepts of national identify (and sense of solidarity) and individual citizens’ sense of obligation to self and others are completed by an afterword by eminent historian of vaccination William Muraskin. Reflecting on the well-funded global initiatives which do not correspond to the needs of poor countries, Muraskin asserts that an elite fraternity of self-selected global health leaders has undermined the United Nations system of collective health policy determination by launching global disease eradication and immunisation programmes over the last twenty years.
This chapter concludes this book, which concerns the Black Atlantic, a geographic region and a theoretical framework that helps to understand the experiences of a transnational racialized community, and the importance of Black people’s travel. This chapter specifies the cultural and migration flows within Canada, England, the United States, and the Caribbean, and the ways the boundaries around an Afro-Caribbean-Canadian community are made and crossed with special attention paid to race, ethnicity, and gender. In conversations about the Black Atlantic and the Caribbean diaspora, the use of recreational sport to connect migrants to the homeland and each other has been virtually ignored. This chapter shows how the entire text moves beyond the runs, wickets, bowling, and batting of cricket to draw attention to local and deterritorialized community building, transnational travel and social networks, hetero-masculinities and femininities, nostalgia of older adults, historical and contemporary Indo-Afro ethnic antagonism, and persistent national identities that constitute the Afro-Caribbean diaspora and Black identity in Canada. These complexities help us to understand how the Black Atlantic is defined both through its décalages or disjunctures – that is, who is missing or unwelcomed – and also through its unified, shared experiences and cultures.
good. For the individual, therefore, the
welfare of the nation is a supreme good.
Nationalism places loyalty to the nation above
all other forms of political and social loyalties. One may place
one’s moral or religious beliefs above nationalidentity, but
nationalism assumes that these must give way to loyalty to the nation if
there is a clash. Nationalism not only makes the nation the focus of
a patriotic discourse, which portrayed the Conservatives as a national
rather than sectional party, popularised its vision of nationhood and questioned the patriotic credentials of its rivals; and (iii) a political strategy which
accorded the defence of the nation state and nationalidentity a leading place.1
But the politics of nationhood has also proved divisive periodically – tariff
reform, the Irish question and European integration produced damaging
intra-party divisions over British identity and party strategy in the last
century. This chapter examines the
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith
Nationalism remains a field of study
that is ‘vast and ramified’. 29 Yet, despite the varieties of meanings and
academic approaches involved in the study of nationalism and ethnicity,
there is a dominant orthodoxy. It sees national or ethnic identities as
being ‘situational’ and the ‘property of individuals
rather than of collectivities’. 30 According to this view, nationalidentity and ethnicity are
secondary issues, able to be
Domestically, the hundred years after the Civil War
(1861–65) were characterized by a gradual abandonment of
narrow assimilationism and the enactment – in the 1960s –
of legislation, prompted by the civil rights movement (Morris
1984), to uphold the rights of citizenship of all Americans.
Addressing the legacies of pre-1960s discrimination and
racism (Fields 1990; Jordan 1968; Kelley 1994) proved a platform for a multiculturalist reformulation of American nationalidentity, or in David Hollinger’s phrase a ‘post-ethnic
politics’ (Hollinger 1995). The
western norms and
values relating to, for example, liberal democracy and an inclusive –
or ‘civic’ – nationalidentity.
Relations between NATO and its members, on the one hand, and
Russia on the other, represent arguably the single most important set of
links in contemporary European security affairs. The Kosovo crisis can be
described as a watershed event in the development of Russia–NATO
relations in the
regard their nationality merely as
historical accident, an identity to be sloughed off in favour of
humanity at large, carries little appeal. If nationalidentities are
distasteful, or have distasteful aspects, it seems more reasonable
to work from within, to get people to reassess what they have
inherited, come to a new understanding of what it means to be German