national state-building, subnational community-strengthening and multiple identity-holding. It also contains a suggestion both of the non-conflictual character of EU power-sharing and of the means through which the separateness of the segments, in the form of well consolidated democracies, is compatible with processes of ‘institutionalised compromise’. Hence, the preservation of ‘pluralism-within-unity’ is conditioned by an overarching concern at the elite level for meeting the conditions of stable governance. Finally, by emphasising elite-driven, as opposed to demos

in Theory and reform in the European Union
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stay at the 2006 level during the 2007–13 period, at around €45 billion per year, with annual increases of 1 per cent permitted. Kapteyn (1996, pp. 96–7) summed up the agricultural fraud problem as follows: ‘Seen from a national state perspective, one would expect [the payment of subsidies and the decision to pay] to be more or less managed by a single authority, but this was not how the Community agricultural policy worked. Member states provided the Community with its ‘own resources’ … The subsidies were paid from these resources. The actual decision to pay

in Destination Europe

create a national state that he alone could effectively control. As in Serbia, one of the first acts of government was to gain strict control of the media. Article 17 of the 1990 Croatian Constitution granted Tudjman sweeping presidential prerogatives to restrict constitutional rights ‘during a state of war or an immediate danger to the independence and unity of the republic’, while Article 101 allowed Tudjman to pass decrees without parliamentary approval.11 These articles allowed for the replacement of media editors and managers in wartime, for the punishment of

in Balkan holocausts?
Language, education and the Catholic Church

a long-awaited national state’.83 Typical of the nationalisation of history was Periç’s analysis of the Usta°a crimes. Periç distinguished between the NDH as a manifestation of the will of the Croatian people and the nature of the Usta°a government. He noted that ‘the Ustasha [sic] prisons were full of well-known Croatian writers, painters, sculptors, composers, scientists, priests, educators, athletes’.84 However, his only reference to the mass murder of Serbs and Jews was to admit that the Usta°a committed genocide against the Jews and that ‘they also terrorised

in The formation of Croatian national identity

of the disabled mining population and advocated new forms of welfare which shifted from a narrow, individualistic and legalistic view of industrial disability to a broader, fairer system of welfare that considered health and disability in a more holistic fashion. S YS TEMS O F F INANC IAL S U P P O RT 131 The Workmen’s Compensation Act remained active throughout most of the first half of the twentieth century, but the expansion of national state welfare under the post-war Labour government saw it brought to an end. ‘The coming of a national scheme for health

in Disability in industrial Britain
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policemen said that the threat to the rule of law was increasing, with many admitting that they dared not apprehend certain suspected criminals out of fear of retaliation. 35 De Winter (1998, p. 221) maintains that: ‘[First,] European integration weakens the national state “from above”, as many competences pass to “Brussels”. Second, following the setting up of the Internal Market, the European Union developed a large number of programmes at the regional level. At the same time, in several countries, the unitary state was weakened “from below” through the process of

in Destination Europe