Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
subnational community-strengthening and multiple identity-holding. It also
contains a suggestion both of the non-conflictual character of EU power-sharing and of the means through which the separateness of the segments, in the
form of well consolidated democracies, is compatible with processes of ‘institutionalised compromise’. Hence, the preservation of ‘pluralism-within-unity’ is
conditioned by an overarching concern at the elite level for meeting the conditions of stable governance.
Finally, by emphasising elite-driven, as opposed to demos
stay at the 2006 level during the 2007–13 period, at around €45 billion per
year, with annual increases of 1 per cent permitted.
Kapteyn (1996, pp. 96–7) summed up the agricultural fraud problem as
follows: ‘Seen from a nationalstate perspective, one would expect [the
payment of subsidies and the decision to pay] to be more or less managed by
a single authority, but this was not how the Community agricultural policy
worked. Member states provided the Community with its ‘own resources’ …
The subsidies were paid from these resources. The actual decision to pay
create a nationalstate that he alone could effectively control.
As in Serbia, one of the first acts of government was to gain strict control of the
media. Article 17 of the 1990 Croatian Constitution granted Tudjman sweeping presidential prerogatives to restrict constitutional rights ‘during a state of
war or an immediate danger to the independence and unity of the republic’,
while Article 101 allowed Tudjman to pass decrees without parliamentary
approval.11 These articles allowed for the replacement of media editors and
managers in wartime, for the punishment of
a long-awaited nationalstate’.83 Typical of the nationalisation of history was Periç’s analysis of the Usta°a crimes. Periç distinguished
between the NDH as a manifestation of the will of the Croatian people and the
nature of the Usta°a government. He noted that ‘the Ustasha [sic] prisons were
full of well-known Croatian writers, painters, sculptors, composers, scientists,
priests, educators, athletes’.84 However, his only reference to the mass murder of
Serbs and Jews was to admit that the Usta°a committed genocide against the
Jews and that ‘they also terrorised
Kirsti Bohata, Alexandra Jones, Mike Mantin and Steven Thompson
of the disabled mining population and advocated new forms
of welfare which shifted from a narrow, individualistic and legalistic view of
industrial disability to a broader, fairer system of welfare that considered health
and disability in a more holistic fashion.
S YS TEMS O F F INANC IAL S U P P O RT
The Workmen’s Compensation Act remained active throughout most of the
first half of the twentieth century, but the expansion of nationalstate welfare
under the post-war Labour government saw it brought to an end. ‘The coming
of a national scheme for health
that the threat to the rule of law was increasing, with many admitting that
they dared not apprehend certain suspected criminals out of fear of retaliation.
35 De Winter (1998, p. 221) maintains that: ‘[First,] European integration weakens
the nationalstate “from above”, as many competences pass to “Brussels”.
Second, following the setting up of the Internal Market, the European Union
developed a large number of programmes at the regional level. At the same
time, in several countries, the unitary state was weakened “from below”
through the process of