colonial rule would signal not merely a transfer of political power, but the renovation of the entire colonial civilisation, from top to bottom. In the decade or so from the middle 1950s to the middle 1960s this dedication to the decolonisation of the culture of the Caribbean moved to the centre of what it was to declare oneself a West Indian. In the writings of the time of C. L. R. James, George Lamming
the case in question. Many commentators see this as resting on liberal foundations that declare the courts independent from the state as guardians against oppression. Yet there appears to be little consistency or predictability. At times the US courts adopt a strict interpretation and appear highly restrictive. At other times the courts become more libertarian, and appear to fulfil the role of protecting the individual. In adopting either interpretation the courts have seen their authority continue with the boundaries between judicial and political power often
political independence had been denied by continuing economic dependence on the former AFRICA 141 colonial powers. Dependency writers stressed not only the external orientation of African economies, which constrained the prospects for internal growth, but also how such ‘underdevelopment’ underlay the political power of the emergent African bourgeoisies – the principal beneficiaries of ‘neocolonialism’. Even where, as in Nyerere’s Tanzania, there were attempts to ‘de-link’ from metropolitan capitalism by pursuit of socialist strategies, state control of the economy
provides mediating structures between groups, checks aggressive claims and protects weaker groups. State institutions regulate access to resources and to political power. The state guarantees a continuous information flow between groups by providing impartial media6 and, lastly, the state defends its monopoly over violence. The disintegration of the state structures that had, for seventy and fifty years, respectively, provided inter-ethnic accommodation is the key to the explanation of organised violence in Yugoslavia and in the Caucasus. It was the state collapse that has
. Parliamentary constituencies are of unequal size, most are ‘safe’ seats that remain in the hands of one political party, and the voting system ensures that most MPs and all governments are elected on minorities of the popular vote. Democratic equality does not exist in most modern democracies, according to egalitarians, and will not exist until there is greater devolution of political power to institutions which are closer to the
than the surrender to the belief in force, violence and war can ever give. (LW13: 302–3) This should be seen as the final element in Dewey’s lessons on the relationship between local and national community and the hopes of forging the Great Society into a Great Community both at home and New Lessons from the Old Professor 119 abroad. Having identified that communities are conscious constructions rather than automatically arising out of societal relations, and that the nation state represented a form of political power and sense of community that could not be
strategy but in terms of the aspirations which were attached to these; aspirations that ranged from the decidedly reformist to the avowedly revolutionary; from those that were realisable within the framework of existing political institutions and processes, to those that could only be secured by means of the reality or threat of extra-parliamentary agitation and struggle. At best, therefore, it made for an unstable political alliance always likely to disintegrate should it be faced with the reality of political power or political defeat. The former never proved a problem
epistemological claim about the status of conceptions of human flourishing. Two points merit consideration here: the first is that Barry’s argument misrepresents the aim of the method of avoidance, which is precisely to detach questions of inner conviction from the success or failure of persuasive strategies. Barry supposes that we cannot justify imposing on others because, and only because, we cannot be certain ourselves. But the method of avoidance aims to render questions of certainty irrelevant to the legitimation of political power. Thus, Rawls need not maintain that it is
the political power of the Church, or the role of Christianity in society, the consequences of ecclesiological reform in 1689 were a 4 MUP/Champion_01_Intro 4 27/2/03, 10:09 am Locating John Toland blend of innovation and tradition. In the same breath as allowing a diversity of Protestant worship, the statutory reforms underscored the singular jurisdictional authority of the Church of England. By default these debates about the nature of religion were intimately bound up with questions about the legitimate character of political authority. Despite the
profit, and the consolidation of political power KLA and Diaspora ‘Homeland is Calling’ fund to support KLA KLA and organised crime groups Drug smuggling, extortion/protection rackets, human smuggling for profit and to support armed uprising Informal traders and citizens throughout region and internationally Smuggling as a form of employment/livelihood strategy; 3% tax tempering the portrayal of Kosovo’s war economy participants as always or only concerned with supporting the cause of independence. The war economy also needs to be understood not just in terms of