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The discovery, commemoration and reinterment of eleven Alsatian victims of Nazi terror, 1947– 52
Devlin M. Scofield

a broader effort undertaken by Badenese authorities to demonstrate the local populace’s rejection of the recent Nazi past and rehabilitation at a moral level. Local officials recognised the symbolic importance of the three incidents and believed that the degree of public participation in the commemoration and investigation would be the measure by which foreign opinion judged the sincerity and depth of German popular support for Wiedergutmachung. Beyond providing opportunities to prove separation and remorse, the bodies of the eleven Alsatians also became the focal

in Human remains in society
Open Access (free)
Class cultures, the trade unions and the Labour Party
John Callaghan

showing in London today which deals with any of the burning issues of the day’ (1998: 425). But it is fair to say that conscious manipulation of this sort – though we have already encountered it in the ‘politically necessary stereotypes’ – occupies a minor place in McKibbin’s argument; the structural barriers to a combative, pro-Labour class consciousness seem far more potent in producing the Tory hegemony than did mere propaganda, even when it had institutional reinforcement. The only threat to the huge coalition of popular support for Conservatism which loomed on the

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Robert Sutter

personal attacks, gross language, and salacious accusations which degraded America’s image, providing fodder for Chinese and other opinion stressing the weaknesses of US democracy. 9 On policy issues, the success of the Sanders and Trump campaign attacks on the TPP surprised congressional leaders, along with most American and Asian commentators. Their success underlined seemingly weak popular support for this important component of US policy in the region, which Ryan, McCain and other Republican congressional leaders continued to back. The fact that the Republican

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Jaewoo Choo

exacerbate, a key source of Central Asian instability: the domestic political repression that fosters the radicalisation of Islamist movements and galvanises popular support behind them. Moreover, viewing the Islamist threat primarily as a military problem will not mitigate the various transnational concerns plaguing the region, particularly water-allocation disputes and unwanted flows of drugs, refugees and weapons.13 This danger is particularly acute since the Caucasus and Central Asian states could become zones of interstate competition similar to that in the Middle

in Limiting institutions?
Richard Parrish

public opposition to the Maastricht Treaty. The Danes rejected the Treaty in a referendum and over 49 per cent of French voters rejected it. The British government was forced to call a vote of no confidence to pass the Maastricht Bill through Parliament. In short, the lack of popular support for integration was limiting the ability of governments and the EU more generally to realise their political policy objectives. The sense of remoteness from the EU felt by many of Europe’s citizens therefore needed political attention. The essentially economic approach to sport

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
Richard Parrish

strength of negative integration within the EU’s constitutional structure. Observing the first decade of European integration, Pinder argued that the ‘free trade ideology is firmly built into the system, but the planning ethic is no more than a possibility for the future’ (Pinder 1968: 98). In other words, the socio-cultural dimension to European integration was considered a secondary goal to that of securing economic integration. As Featherstone observes, this economic path to integration has undermined popular support for the integration project (Featherstone 1994

in Sports law and policy in the European Union
From disaster to devolution and beyond
Peter Lynch

to the Conservatives on a permanent basis: the case with the seats lost in the electoral collapse of 1987. More fundamentally, popular support for the Tories in 2001 was 15.58 per cent (1.93 per cent less than the 1997 disaster) and the Tories came fourth behind the Liberal Democrats: an all-time low for Scottish Conservatism. Winning a seat in what was an apocalyptic election seems nothing short of miraculous, however, the general election did not presage any great Conservative recovery in time for the 2003 Scottish election. The 2001 results pointed to an

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Arthur B. Gunlicks

, and retain or gain crucial popular support for the next election, and they would rebut strongly the argument that only part-time politicians with normal occupations are close to the people.51 They would cite the importance of maintaining party support for renomination and for connecting the extra-parliamentary party and the party group in parliament. And they would certainly argue that local government office holding is an important source of political information and experience as well as an important political base. All of these functions also serve an important

in The Länder and German federalism
Outdoor screens and public congregations
Ruth Adams

Trafalgar Square. 100 As an explanatory framework Barker offers ‘the idea of “intermediality” … a world of increasingly interpenetrative media which constantly cross-refer’. 101 As we have seen, the British monarchy themselves are active participants in this brave new media world. Conscious that their survival depends to a large part on popular support, they have embraced social media and the digital, and

in The British monarchy on screen
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Lebanon’s strategic value in the Saudi–Iranian foreign policy chessboard
Hussein Kalout

strategic position, Saudi Arabia put pressure on its allies within the country to force the demilitarisation of Hezbollah and limit Iran’s ability to wage a proxy war against Israel. In order to accomplish this, the Saudis rallied an international coalition of Western powers to make similar demands and began using their economic leverage to increase Hariri’s base of popular support. Sectarian cleavages were exacerbated, and Lebanon’s domestic politics were immobilised by a lack of cooperation between pro- and anti-Iranian groups

in Saudi Arabia and Iran