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from democratic socialism and social democracy as to be worth studying as distinct ideological movements. The collapse of the USSR and its empire in Eastern Europe during 1989–91 is often hailed by Western conservatives as vindicating their belief that Marxism is a failed ideological system, unrealistic and of no value as a political movement or an ideological tool. However, for many Western Marxists the demise of the

in Understanding political ideas and movements

peculiarities of historical processes as they are recorded in the complexities of historical evidence. References Unless indicated, the place of publication is London. Adelman, P. (1972) The Rise of the Labour Party, 1880–1945 Bealey, F. and Pelling, H. (1958) Labour and Politics, 1900–1906. A History of the Labour Representation Committee Black, L. (1999) ‘Social democracy as a way of life: fellowship and the Socialist Union, 1951–9’, Twentieth Century British History, 10:4 Chun, L. (1993) The British New Left, Edinburgh ITLP_C07.QXD 18/8/03 Alastair J. Reid 9:59 am

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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Class cultures, the trade unions and the Labour Party

institutions of the State, including its ‘ideological apparatus’. ‘Outside the realm of social services or nationalized industries the visitor would not have observed a social democracy’, with the result that the political settlement of 1945 depended on the physical survival of the industrial working class, rather than the diffusion within civil society of social democracy as an ideology (1998: 535–6). Concluding remarks If our understanding of a party cannot fail to depend on our understanding of the social classes which form its main constituency, Labour history must be

in Interpreting the Labour Party

, London , Demos . Frazer , E. ( 1999 ) Problems of Communitarian Politics: Unity and Conflict , Oxford , Clarendon Press . Giddens , A. ( 1997 ) ‘ Anomie of the people ’, Guardian , 31 July . Giddens , A. ( 1998 ) The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy , Cambridge , Polity

in The Third Way and beyond

claims made for it. Policy considerations, while acquiring the label ‘pragmatic’ or even ‘common-sense’, can be ideological in their underlying assumptions, in a sense that is associated with social democracy. From the wartime coalition government until the early 1980s all the major parties, both in and out of government, largely agreed on the basics of government policy. These included the following: a commitment to full

in Understanding political ideas and movements

and democratization in International Political Economy tend to pit the kind of neomedievalist, fragmentation-of-governance thesis presented above against what is often seen to be the more idealist ‘cosmopolitan democracy’ thesis (Archibugi and Held 1995). There is also a third position – that the ability of states to reconstruct governmentality is still strong and that social democracy can be reconstituted along more familiar statist lines by incorporating some neoliberal features (Hirst and Thompson 1999; Giddens 1998). Nevertheless, the task of globalizing the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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considered part of a capitalist project to exploit the working classes; in the late 1980s, when Jacques Delors led the European Commission, there was a shift towards seeing it as a potential source of social democracy; and now, although the mainstream of the Labour Party remains relatively pro-European, the EU’s failure to develop its competences in social policy has triggered a return to Euroscepticism on the left. The way forward: towards deliberative democracy? There are of course various positions taken about the way forward. Communitarians often argue that EU

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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Cultural and political change in 1960s Britain

collaborators anticipated this emphasis when they outlined how far parties can shape, rather than react to, voter attitudes.127 Yet, if parties enjoyed more freedom to influence electors than has been previously assumed, this autonomy was only relative, as none could react to events in a purely ‘pragmatic’ manner. Thus, in his study of European social democracy, Herbert Kitschelt noted how far a party’s ideological tradition could influence what members took to be ‘acceptable arguments and ideas’ and so restrict how they might respond to change.128 Few argue that Labour was

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
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since 1945 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1993), and Keohane, Security in British Politics, 1945–99 (London: Macmillan, 2000). David Howell, British Social Democracy: A Study in Development and Decay (London: Croom Helm, 1976), pp. 144–9 and 267–74. Michael Gordon, Conflict and Consensus in Labour’s Foreign Policy 1914–1965 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1969); Kenneth Miller, Socialism and Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice in Britain to 1931 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1967); John Naylor, Labour’s International Policy: The Labour Party in the

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
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responsibility for their own fate: this underscores the need to create a favourable climate for wealth creation, not simply emphasizing distribution. To Giddens, this points the way to a ‘third way’ distinct from statist social democracy and neoliberalism, a new path most closely associated with the Democratic Party in the US and Britain’s New Labour. He argues that the ‘third way’ is not just about a concern with economic development, but also with community issues, and stresses the vital importance of social solidarity and basic social institutions like the family. Right

in Democratization through the looking-glass