Open Access (free)
Milton, Harrington and the Williamite monarchy, 1698–1714
Justin Champion

by his first ventures into print. While Christianity not mysterious advanced the claims of reason in religion, he also set about defending the sovereignty of reason in politics by undertaking the adventurous project of republishing the canonical works of the commonwealth tradition between 1697 and 1700. In both public projects Toland was cautious to stress his decorous approach to established Christian orthodoxy and political authority. Despite the furious disapproval of these works of the 1690s he publicly denied his intentions were incendiary. The reported coffee

in Republican learning
Arthur B. Gunlicks

, federal tier, or federal plane vs the states. The Civil War decided the issue of the right of American states to secede, and the Supreme Court declared in 1868 that the United States was an indestructible union composed of indestructible states.4 The issue of contention has usually been disagreement over the location of sovereignty between two tiers of government or, at the very least, over the proper distribution of powers between them.5 When Ronald Reagan claimed in his inaugural presidential address in 1981 that the states created the Union, thus implying state

in The Länder and German federalism
Iver B. Neumann

expanding the referents of security from states and individuals to society , and on analysing how political concerns come to be treated as security concerns. As Ole Wæver, in the published version of the 1988 paper that launched the concept of ‘securitisation’, put it: ‘State security has sovereignty as its ultimate criterion, and societal security has identity. Both usages imply survival. A state that

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

that nations are ‘invented’ either by the literary endeavours of poets or the processes of state power. Nationalism nevertheless assumes that the ‘people’ or ‘the nation’ is an entity with sovereign rights and a fundamental unity of ‘blood’, ‘culture’ or ‘citizenship’. We shall now consider these elements of nationalism: sovereignty of the people; Ethnic nationalism and Civic nationalism. Sovereignty of

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Alex J. Bellamy

forms and by the perpetuation and growth of the idea of one’s own state, based on the Croatian nation’s historical right to full sovereignty’.2 This chapter explores these abstract claims to historical identity. At the most abstract level, Croatian national identity in the 1990s was constituted by perceptions of a common history and in particular a shared state that can claim ancient roots. Ivo Banac, for instance, noted that ‘Croat national apologetics were lopsidedly historicist. The Croats never felt safe enough with strictly national – linguistic and cultural

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

human rights, there was no international legal ban on acts of inhumanity by states, and sovereignty and independence, including the norm of non-intervention, were the cornerstones of international law. On the other hand, aggressive war was permitted and was a manifestation of sovereignty. 13 The ‘paradoxical outcome’ was that ‘the greater threat to the integrity of states (waging war) was widely regarded as legitimate, but the lesser (intervention) was not’; 14 thus

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Grassroots exceptionalism in humanitarian memoir
Emily Bauman

outside the systems of state sovereignty and global capital. Unlike other forms of humanitarian narrative, which are focused on humanitarian crises and projects or on the work of a particular organisation, humanitarian life-writing tells a story of individual education and empowerment. As a result the genre’s emphasis is not the typical one of compassion and pathos, though images of human

in Global humanitarianism and media culture
John Borneman

of the power of corpses and offer an explanation for their widespread movement in postsocialist states. This movement, I will argue, is a manic reaction to the death of political regimes and to the sense of abandonment that accompanies this end. Although people may understand this reaction as asserting sovereignty over the dead, it in fact demonstrates the inverse: that the dead govern the living. How and why is it that humans deny being governed by the dead and instead claim victory over their losses? What is the connection between the experience of regime end and

in Governing the dead
Commerce, diplomacy, and brigandage on the steppe routes between the Ottoman Empire, Poland-Lithuania, and Russia, 1470s–1570s
Alexander Osipian

the brink of war through their behaviour. By exploring their activity, this chapter examines in turn the scale of violence, the diplomatic discourses of sovereignty and (ir)responsibility over the steppe routes, management of violence, and formation of the networks assisting the brigandage. The scale of violence The Golden Horde’s khans benefited from the long-distance trade and protected the merchants in their domains.11 The disintegration of the Golden Horde in 1420–80 caused the rise of brigandage on the steppe.12 The Ottoman conquest of the Genoese colonies in

in A global history of early modern violence
Stephen J. Kunitz

self-determination is ascendant will have profound consequences for the future of Indian sovereignty and the accessibility and quality of health services for American Indians. Self-determination and/or self-termination There is widespread agreement that, as President Nixon wrote, the federal government has a legal obligation to protect American Indian tribal sovereignty and to provide support for social and health services. But, as Timothy Westmoreland has observed in a personal communication, The more important question is ‘Is there an enforceable obligation?’ No

in History, historians and development policy