involvement in the war. This makes it difficult to compare the two most relevant cases of French subsidy policy. I would argue, however, that these mark a period of an international entanglement of France with parallels in the French politics of protection, a period which ended with the Peace of Westphalia. In the future, France would pursue a modern state policy, that is, a policy relying substantially on institutionalized means which the government could control, such as a standing army or fortified borders. Nevertheless, unpredictable means like protection and subsidies
Israel had been local and sporadic, not state policy; thereafter, they were promoted and directed by Cairo . . . The Gaza Raid proved to be a turning point in Israeli– Egyptian relations and in the history of the Middle East . . . Gaza had not only led to Egyptian counter-raiding. It had also set in motion a massive arms race, bound to end in war. ( Morris
states. Furthermore, only a few of these actors perceive themselves as being involved in a challenge to state sovereignty. Although terrorist and guerrilla organisations see themselves challenging state power, usually to create a new state or severely modify a state in line with their own interests, most dissident groups are aware of the need to work through states and to influence state policies if their objectives are to be
cause of freedom, especially in democracies. Terrorism uses violence to influence public opinion and state policy in favour of the interests and goals of the terrorist group. Violence might be directed against the forces of state power, such as the police, the armed forces or civil officials, or it might involve attacking civilian targets in order to create public pressure on the government to change policy to the advantage of
the resources of their counterparts at Eton. Nevertheless, both Labour and Conservative governments since the Second World War have steadily increased public spending (with concomitant tax rises), providing greater equal opportunities through welfare state policies that originated in the 1940s. Members of all political parties (and none) created the bases for the egalitarian nature of the post
of economic growth, public services and social improvement for least cost and effort. This social-democratic consensus was successful in establishing an ideological grip on British politics for a number of reasons. The mass unemployment, poverty and failure of the 1930s discredited the minimal state policies of the governments of the day. The Second World War involved massive state intervention in the form of
, anti-Arab racism in civil society, discriminatory state policies toward Israeli Palestinians, militaristic responses to external threats, etc. Nor does it exonerate the singularity of harms done by Israel to argue that the policies of neighbouring states are equally or in some cases far more subject to political criticism. The fact that other states do not live up to their responsibilities does not release Israel from its responsibilities for equal treatment
( 1996 , p. 183) states: “The manner in which a group comes to be ‘situated’ in and through a wide variety of discourses, economic processes, state policies and institutional practices is critical to its future. This ‘situatedness’ is central to how different groups come to be relationally positioned in a given context.” From a historical point of view, Afro-Caribbeans were
incomes and prices’ (Cohen 1995: 26). As well as macroeconomic policies such as competitive devaluation and a broadly Keynesian set of fiscal and welfare state policies (Rosanvallon 1989), there was a panoply of instruments and institutions geared towards microeconomic interventionism in the French economy. The making of economic policy in France was a source of national pride for much of the post-war period, widely credited as the reason behind France’s trente glorieuses (thirty glorious years) of post-war economic growth and widening prosperity and affluence. Post
traditional scope of labour market analysis that was largely centred on the employee–employer relationship, either at the micro- or at the macrolevel. Instead, the analytical framework based on economic production and social reproduction provided a conceptual bridge that had links with developing approaches in comparative social policy and welfare state studies. This allowed researchers to make connections between how state policies shaped labour supply through education and training as well as through the provision (or not) of childcare services. It allowed an