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Regional elections and political parties

period December 1993–March 1994. The decrees also called for a sharp reduction in the number of deputies represented in the soviets, down from 250–300 to between 15 and 50 deputies. There was also a significant reduction in the number of deputies permitted to work on a full-time professional basis. This was legally restricted to two-fifths of the total number of deputies. And there was a return to the practice of the Soviet era with the right of deputies to combine their parliamentary duties with work in the executive bodies of state. Members of the regional

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
State–society relations and conflict in post-socialist Transcaucasia

relations with more effective ones. It is not even the introduction of new rules designed to deal with new forms of conflict. The central task can be defined in much more radical terms as the institutionalisation of rules as such, which are understood as guidelines of action independent of context variables (Lepsius 1996). This should aid precision in defining the factors accounting for the failure or success of transformation. Once again the problem will be approached by means of comparison, but now focusing on the Baltic and the Transcaucasus, the two regions in the post

in Potentials of disorder
Open Access (free)
Towards a teleological model of nationalism

conspiracy, or a particular industrial dispute as a crucial incident in the class war.21 Dušan Kečmanović has similarly discussed what he terms a ‘watershed’, or the ‘theme of the right moment’ in the life of a nation or group. Paraphrasing a nationalist view of teleology, he explains: ‘We went through a period of national decline, of dissolution, of corruption and anarchy, our national interests were more or less systematically suppressed and ignored to the point where we must do something to radically change our destiny, to take it into our own hands, to make a new

in Balkan holocausts?
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greatest danger’, a danger located in the Nazi state. After Abyssinia fascism acquired a broader meaning for him, indicating not only the type of political regime evolving in Germany and Italy, but a racial politics linked to colonialism itself. This represented a radical reappraisal. From this shift in thought there emerged a sharper theoretical critique of the civilisation of imperial Britain; there also

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
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imagined Mainstream and the radical left. They reject the Mainstream construct of gender roles which denies women’s ability to build. Simultaneously, they mock the movement’s countercultural expectation that squatter women should be comfortable DIY builders in order to express feminist ideals. Marina, a Romanian squatter, told me that one large house that she had originally squatted with a group, lacked indoor heating because her housemate, Felipe “was too depressed to do the “man jobs.” He wouldn’t fix

in The autonomous life?
Britishness, respectability, and imperial citizenship

class of ‘educated natives’ who were nurtured and educated in Western culture through missionary efforts and ‘Anglicisation’ movements. During the nineteenth century, colonial schools such as Elphinstone College in Bombay (f. 1824), the Lovedale Missionary Institution (f. 1840), and Zonnebloem College (f. 1858) in South Africa were founded with distinct if related intentions – namely to ‘civilise’ an

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
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Association and distinction in politics and religion

that human actions and human creations are needed as metaphors of an infinite and unknowable identity. So arises the seeming paradox of a truth and an identity which is further removed from human life than any other, but which is nonetheless approached by a fuller and more extravagant use of human creativity than any other more apparently mundane or material arena, both in the immediate garments, words, music, and movements of the faithful and in the artefacts which they produce. That is the logic of the icon lurking within the apparently merely strategic advice of

in Cultivating political and public identity

‘domestic’ but still embedded in trans-state discourse, that states should act on behalf of the shared (Arab) community. This gap taints the legitimacy of regimes and encourages challenges to the regional order by sub- and trans-state movements and ‘terrorist’ networks. The separation between elites and society was sharply underlined by the 1994 Sharm al-Shaikh meeting of a concert of state leaders, both Arab and Israeli, who identified the main security threat as internal – from radical Islamic terror (Barnett 1996–97: 617). To a very considerable

in The international politics of the Middle East
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came to span commercial TV, the printed media, publishing, advertising, insurance and financial services, retailing and football (through AC Milan football club). In 1993 he formed the populist, right-wing political movement FI and began a full-time political career in 1994, leading his party to win the general elections of that year in alliance with the separatist Northern League and far-right National Alliance. As Prime

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Language, education and the Catholic Church

fractious nature of the national language question.2 The significance attached to the unifying aspects of a common Southern Slavic language provoked a reaction among Croatian nationalists in the Yugoslav era. Challenges to the idea of a common South Slavic language was a key component of the Croatian movements in the 1960s, 1970s and 1990s. For nationalist activists, ‘the Croatian standard language is for the Croatian nation, just as any other standard languages are for other nations. Croatians do not have any other standard language. The rights of a certain language

in The formation of Croatian national identity