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intelligence of the masses. This not only neglected the ethical commitment of the democratic as a way of life but also failed to utilize them as a resource for the practice of social intelligence. As Dewey outlines, bourgeois democracy gave no opportunity for the great mass of people:  … to reflect and decide upon what is good for them. Others who are supposed to be wiser and who in any case have more power decide the question for them and also decide the methods and means by which subjects may arrive at the enjoyment of what is good for them. This form of coercion and

in John Dewey

wars illustrates: most of these conflicts have attracted involvement by neighbouring countries, and some have all along been as much interstate as intra-state disputes. But ethnic conflicts do not only cause international insecurity; they may also be in part a result of security competition. Bosnia’s conflict, for example, was driven in large part by rivalry between Serbia and Croatia; Macedonia’s violence is largely a spillover from the Kosovo conflict; and separatist conflicts continue in Azerbaijan and Georgia due in large part to Russian support for the

in Limiting institutions?

relevant, we may disagree about their weight, and so arrive at different judgements. c. To some extent all our concepts, not only moral and political concepts, are vague and subject to hard cases; and this indeterminacy means that we must rely on judgement and interpretation [. . .] within some range [. . .] where reasonable persons may differ. d. To some extent [. . .] the way we assess evidence and weigh moral and particular values is shaped by our total experience, our whole course of life up to now; and our total experiences must always differ. e. Often there are

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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to defend their territories against challenges from other sources of order, both internal and external, but also to balance the accounts of the domestic economy and mobilise sufficient cultural resources to defend their individuality by giving their subjects or citizens a distinctive identity. Today the picture is quite different. The globalisation of financial markets is increasingly presented as an irresistible force with which states must

in Political concepts
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‘strong eugenics’ of state coercion (cf. Glover, 1999: 104). And although they would permit far more genetic engineering than Shakespeare, Buchanan et al. (2000) come to a similar conclusion: ‘. . . just as the state is the principal agent acting in the interests of future generations in such fields as land and resource management, so too does a eugenic role for the state, if needed, fit into the standard categories of legitimate areas of concern for government’ (Buchanan et al., 2000: 337). All of which is both to agree and disagree with Diane Paul (1998: 94–111) when

in After the new social democracy
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On the possibility of sustainability and democracy in advanced industrial nations

and decisions legitimised by representative democratic government. • Ecologically rational governance effectively brings socioeconomic activities within the scale of the ecological resource base with minimum coercion and maximum consent and without fettering initiatives conducive to efficient resource use. 2579Ch8 12/8/03 204 11:57 AM Page 204 Sweden and ecological governance As for spatial rationality, we have first of all found that there are changes occurring toward units based on nature-given rather than man-made borders. The remarkable thing here is that

in Sweden and ecological governance
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Class cultures, the trade unions and the Labour Party

-phrases, and ideological fragments that shaped working-class politics also helped to shape the politics of all other social classes . . . that the freedom of the middle and upper classes to choose one political strategy as against another was thereby limited by these historical imperatives, while, equally, the ability of the working classes to modify the social and economic relationships they inherited was proportionately enlarged. (1990a: 26) The rules were thus binding on both sides. Coercion was ruled out to a greater degree in the UK than on the continent. The State was

in Interpreting the Labour Party
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Ezra Pound

the introduction to the Oxford Book of Modem Verse, piling up verbs and nouns to indicate the variousness of his subject. Primarily, though, there are two Pounds here, relating to Yeats’ sense of early and late. It is the later that dominates – Yeats is writing in the mid-1950s amid a torrent of Poundian tracts and pamphlets – and what comes through is a picture of a writer who can neither stem nor order the flow, who presents the behaviour of the ill- educated, a writer who, above all, has lost self-control. Yeats’ image thus supplements Eliot’s, describing the

in Enthusiast!
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whatever reason, are unable or unwilling to pursue a life devoted to self-discovery. All too often positive freedom enables the few to develop iconic status and dominate others. History is littered with oppression and coercion inflicted by people who claimed to have achieved their ‘higher self’ above those they deemed to be ‘inferior’. The positive freedom of the few may involve the extinction of the freedom of the many as the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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The change in mentality

so on; this same scale of values was likewise emphasized with regard to the religion and its symbols.1 Since Christianity declared its desire to convert the Jew to Christianity by means of economic temptation, theological persuasion, and even by violent coercion, Jewish efforts concentrated upon intensive processes of socialization in order to protect itself against these attempts.2 Thus, among all the Goldin, Apostasy and Jewish identity.indd 112 20/08/2014 12:34:47 Conclusions: The change in mentality 113 forms of (social) deviation, the most serious was

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe