resources emerged among the Länder. These were made
up to some extent by transfers among the Länder and federal grants.
If the Weimar Republic became more like a decentralized unitary state
than a federal state, the Third Reich of Adolf Hitler was a centralized
state with no pretense of regional autonomy. In January 1934, a year after
Hitler took power, a law was passed according to which the Länder ceased
to exist as meaningful federal units, and the local administrative units that
came into being were financed by grants from the central government.
During the occupation
political impasse in Moscow. Thus, the
constitutional foundations, that were to determine the future direction of
these republics for many years to come, were laid down during a time of
great turmoil and uncertainty, and before the Russian Constitution was
formally adopted. During this period of weak and divided central
powers, the republics were able to carve out for themselves ever-greater
amounts of national autonomy.
Problems over the legitimacy of the federal Constitution weakened the
authority of the federal government and the status of federal laws in the
cultural autonomy, territorial integrity, and symbols of statehood; on the other hand it
insisted on the supremacy of the central state and government and strove
for a state of affairs where national separateness and ethnic identity would
ultimately wither away’.3
The USSR’s adoption of an ‘ethno-territorial’ form of federalism was
originally designed as a temporary measure, adopted to entice the nonRussian nationalities to join the union. But as Gleason notes, such a principle entailed a recognition of the ‘national statehood’ of the constituent
republics.4 Under Soviet
operational unit for that area (Slocombe 1998:34).
What then should we mean by ecosystem management (ESM)?
It is evident that there has been an evolution in the views on what
constitutes the proper aims and content. In terms of our double
standard of sustainability and autonomy, the traditional view of
ESM showed little concern for autonomy. Many of the early definitions contended that ESM should be run by expert managers
who wilfully and skilfully use and integrate an established knowledge base to achieve
if the link between individual autonomy and
collective self-government need not imply that citizens have a
duty to participate actively in the political life of the polity,
it does imply that they must have the opportunity to do so. But
this opportunity in turn depends on their capacity to participate.
The citizenship status of minor children or cognitively disabled persons
might then be in jeopardy
its activities, in accordance with Yishai’s assertion, be directed at the stability of society? And will those groups whose target is the State suffer from a lack of autonomy and remain ineffectual? Or, perhaps, in accordance with Ben-Eliezer’s argument, will all organisations be rendered ineffectual and suffer inclusively from a lack of autonomy? And, third, with regard to the internal distinctions characteristic of this ‘pro-democratic civil society’ and its relationship to its environment, are there indications that one is speaking of a substantive body capable
years 2003–07, a period of political changes tended to more strongly incorporate
indigenous peoples in the new political constitution of the state. This culminated
in the approval of the new Political Constitution in January 2009. This document
established a system of autonomy for indigenous communities, which is understood by the government to be an alternative form of management of the territory,
instead of the municipality.
In December 2009 the municipality approved a referendum to constitute itself
in an Aboriginal Indigenous Peasant Autonomy. Many issues were
system that (mostly) slots individuals into
one or two but not all of many different polities. It takes account of movement
among states, liberal autonomy values, the continued dominance of territorially
based governance and the possibility (up to a point) of non-territorial
identity. Stakeholder citizenship promises a taste that's just right for the
The key, of course, is how the stake behind stakeholder
imperialist influence to establish a relatively autonomous regional system. Additionally, in the rise of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), south–south solidarity produced exceptional financial power that, while failing ultimately to raise the region from the economic periphery, arguably transformed the position of the swing oil producer, Saudi Arabia, from dependence into asymmetric interdependence. However, favourable conditions for regional autonomy have, particularly since the end of the oil boom and Cold War, been largely reversed. The West
development but itself subject to other powerful forces and in turn influencing
Plague, patriarchy and ‘girl power’ 209
economic trends. Essential to this relative autonomy was the identification of the
borderlands between the spheres of production and social reproduction as terrain in which working people pushed back against the pressures of the economic
system and sought space to improve their standard of living and exercise control
over their own lives.
As a theoretical and position piece the paper has proved durable, providing
insight into the co