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Monstrous markets – neo-liberalism, populism and the demise of the public university

Afterword: monstrous markets – neo-liberalism, populism and the demise of the public university John Holmwood, Jan Balon There is a crisis in the idea of the university. It has emerged from the application of neo-liberal policies which have reduced the public values of the university to instrumental purposes. This poses a considerable threat to liberal education (Brown, 2015, Collini, 2012; Ginsberg, 2011; Holmwood, 2011; Nussbaum, 2010). In the UK, government ministers and policy advisers seek a ‘cultural’ change directing academic research and student

in Science and the politics of openness

social democracy, Marquand became a keen critic of ‘New’ Labour. ITLP_C09.QXD 18/8/03 10:00 am Page 139 Steven Fielding and Declan McHugh 139 The Progressive Dilemma Publication of The Progressive Dilemma occurred at a particularly pregnant moment in British political history. As Marquand characterises the period, the neo-liberalism of the 1980s was on the wane, Margaret Thatcher having been displaced as prime minister after the poll tax revolts. There was a ‘new mood’ stressing the drawbacks of the form of capitalism engendered by the Thatcher Governments’ neo

in Interpreting the Labour Party

as a core justificatory value, see my Liberalism and the Defence of Political Constructivism (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002). 2 Section 28 began as a Private Member’s Bill in 1986, and was eventually passed on 20 February 1988 as part of the Local Government Bill. Section 28 states that: (1) A local authority shall not – (a) intentionally promote homosexuality or publish material with the intention of promoting homosexuality; (b) promote the teaching in any maintained school of the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended family relationship. 3 The qualification

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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of neutrality,16 and in explicitly attributing to state education the function of promoting the skills associated with the exercise of autonomy. Historically, laïcité B can be seen as a stage in the forcible liberalisation of society undertaken by the French state, at a time when republican liberalism was a militant fighting creed rather than the consensual ideology it became during the twentieth century. Liberalising society meant coming into direct confrontation with a conservative Catholic Church, which deemed democratic self-determination an aberration, found

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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Reasonable tolerance

of imposing outward conformity on intractable inner convictions. The second phase of the toleration debate continued the process of making religious beliefs, and religion at large, a private rather than a public matter, by more firmly establishing the state as the neutral arbiter over its citizens’ different ideas of the good life. The debate over liberal neutrality (a debate with the opponents of liberalism, but also within liberalism itself) superseded that about freedom of religion – of both worship and conscience. The relationships between the individual and

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
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Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher

Introduction: Retrieving a ‘Global’ American Philosopher There are two requests I should like to make to readers of the volume, not to forestall criticism but that it may be rendered, perhaps, more pertinent. Three lectures do not permit one to say all he thinks, nor even all that he believes that he knows. Omission of topics and themes does not, accordingly, signify that I should have passed them by in a more extended treatment. I particularly regret the enforced omission of reference to the relation of liberalism to international affairs. I should also like to

in John Dewey
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Better ‘the Hottentot at the hustings’ than ‘the Hottentot in the wilds with his gun on his shoulder’

liberal in the British Empire. 10 The politics of minority rule in the Cape The question of why the Cape should have put in place such a relatively open franchise has been the subject of some controversy. Older liberal historians tended to write about it as a manifestation of ‘Cape liberalism’; 11 more recently, revisionist historians have stressed the ambiguities and internal

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
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The place of equal opportunity

basic liberty in his more recent book Political Liberalism . 28 But he accepts that freedom of occupation can be secured without the principle of fair equality of opportunity being satisfied. 29 Freedom of occupation, when it is conceived as a negative liberty in Rawls’s preferred way, in effect as the absence of state-directed labour, does not seem to require equal chances of success for the similarly endowed and motivated. (Nor does

in Political concepts

grant neo-liberalism a hegemonic status. On this view, the Third Way is simply an elaborate rhetorical device that seeks to legitimise the capitulation of the Centre-Left to the triumph of neo-liberal ideology and practice. Giddens and other advocates of the Third Way have simply reconciled themselves to neo-liberalism. The Third Way is a project that looks to ‘adapt to the

in The Third Way and beyond
The nature of the development-security industry

holistic and structured manner. T 43 4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 44 Building a peace economy? Ideological projects and processes: the impact of liberalism The development-security industry, both in terms of its response to war economies specifically and development and peacebuilding more generally, can be characterised as resting on distinctly liberal foundations. Liberal dominance in these fields has been accelerated and solidified since the end of the Cold War when the primary alternative collapsed, leaving a largely unipolar or

in Building a peace economy?